Archive for December, 2019

Climate change and ‘myth’;

December 20, 2019

Introduction: Conceiving complex systems

In the next ten or so posts (!) I will try to describe what happens when humans attempt to conceive something like climate change, that is not comprehensible in detail, and how that affects our actions and abilities to cope with the problems it presents.

Climate Change is a global phenomena, beyond individual experience and beyond our abilities to manipulate easily (especially as individuals). It is what Timothy Morton calls a “hyper object” although I would prefer “hyper-process” – or simply “large scale complex system”.

Being a large scale complex system, Climate change is

  • not completely predictable
  • not completely modellable
  • not completely and easily comprehensible
  • hard to manipulate by individuals or small groups.
  • not completely separable out as a phenomena of its own. For example, climate change involves weather, vegetation, animal life, local ecologies, large scale ecologies, human social behaviour, human economic behaviour, human political behaviour and so on. Normally separate categories interact and blend.
  • prone to tipping point behavior in which things radically and quickly change from the current ‘state’ to a new one,
  • likely to appear disorderly and paradoxical. For example, some places might suffer more cold, and some more heat. Rainfall might become more intense, but occur in fewer days, and thus increase the extremes of flood and drought.
  • constituted so that actions have unintended consequences as a matter of course.

Not being completely comprehensible or predictable, when we try to conceive climate change, we tend to use what we might call the ‘symbolic register’. That is, we, as humans, tend to try and represent it by using existing symbols (or patterns of symbols), that are used to think about other hyper-processes, like life, being/existence, or even religious experience.

These symbols are not constituted as fully formed ‘scientific’ or ‘logical’ categories, but will have traces of magic or power (awe, mana), hanging around them. If you prefer, then you can think of climate change as being responded to as we might respond to “the sublime” or even to God.

This is not the same as saying that climate change is like God, in any other way than it is also bigger than us, beyond complete comprehension, and appears to be out of our control.

This is one reason why I am calling these patterns of conception, ‘myths’ and ‘symbols’; reflecting the kind of language or understanding used by theologian Paul Tillich, psychologist Carl Jung, and historian and political scientist Eric Voeglin; although I clearly am not using their systems in their full complexity, as they are not necessary for the points I’m trying to argue.

Myths defined

In this framework, myths are defined as strings of metaphors and templates for thought and experience that provide affective and narrative links between disparate things, events or processes (especially those that are overwhelming), thus producing an appearance of order. Myths, as the term is being used here, also act as rhetorical topoi, or as organisers of argument and perceptions of truth in situations of relative uncertainty, overwhelm and incomprehension.

Defined this way, myths and symbols are different from what we might call ‘signs’, where the words and the processes and objects they are applied to, are relatively easy to manipulate and understand, if we have the right technology etc. Signs and symbols form a continuum, rather than staying as fixed binary oppositions, and conceptions can slide around between the poles adding to the confusion…. but this is extra detail, not needed for the moment.

Particular uses of a mythic topos can also mark group allegiance. Using the wrong kind of mythic topoi in a discussion, might exclude a person from being listened to, or accepted by another group.

Other formulations of the problem of patterns of thinking: Marx and Foucault

The idea that our ideas are gathered around particular kinds of basic formulations is not new. Marx famously argued that ideas grow out of regular social practice, and that the ruling ideas of the time, the ideas which get most promotion and justification, are those ideas which justify and promote the rule of the ruling class, and their practice and experience. Neoliberalism, and its variants (what I will later call ‘religion of the market’), seem to be good examples of this.

If you are lucky in a Marxist world, then other classes might develop ideas which help them understand the world in terms of their practice, and act as counter-positions to, and critiques of, those ruling ideas, and allow actions against established power relations. If you are unlucky then you get the development of ideas which help the people reconcile themselves to their position, or even support their own domination – such as the sense that they are loosing out to minority groups, and their culture is being destroyed and undervalued by intellectuals, and they need more ‘free markets.’ Such positions may express the group’s practice to an extent, or they would have no appeal, but the positions may also ignore people’s more immediate problems, and propose solutions which only add further pain to their position.

Foucault, in his early work, suggested that ideas were patterned by an ‘episteme’ which linked things together in particular ways. For some reason or other (its not clear to me), the ‘episteme’ would change, and previous ideas would no longer make sense, or seem persuasive, and a new episteme would begin, which would have been incomprehensible to people working in the old episteme. For Foucault, Marxism is just another 19th Century mode of thinking that is no longer comprehensible in the current episteme, without a lot of work.

What I am suggesting is that these Marxist and Foucauldian positions are too systematic and, to some extent, ignore the force of previous developments on current popular forms of ideas.

Myths again

Myths are related to some previous patterns of ideas or tradition, and not any idea is likely to have mass appeal. There are many possible patterns of thought, not just a few, there is no extreme break between succeeding patterns, or necessary coherence between co-existing patterns.

The ‘myths’ I am discussing, are tied in with previous Western ways of understanding the world. They don’t have to mesh with each other perfectly. They can be wheeled into play when a group thinks them useful, or effective. Importantly, all these myths imply paradox or what I will call ‘counter-positions’. They imply a contradictory movement, as part of the myth’s governing dynamic. These paradoxes, when unrecognized may not help us deal with the situation we find ourselves in, they can split our energies and undermine our attempts at conceiving reality and our attempts to deal with that reality, but recognizing the paradox may open us up to new, more beneficial ways of conceiving the world.

Looking at the myths used to express Western relations to nature and disorder helps us to understand our ways of conceiving and persuading. People do not have to believe these myths, or take them as absolutely true, or nameable, for them to have effect; the myths are present in their collective history.

Here, I will discuss stories which I have classed as ‘Creation’, ‘Eden’, ‘Apocalypse-Millenium’, ‘Prometheus,’ ‘Justice’, ‘Reality is Elsewhere’, ‘The Problem’, the ‘Religion of the Market’ (see also Hulme 2009) and ‘Individualistic Rebellion’.

Although these myths are only nine amongst many, all are rife with immobilising paradox. The hope is that by realizing the source of our immobility, and being able to sit with the paradox, we may be able to move forward in a more creative way….

Next: Myths of Climate 01: Creation, order and disorder

Its not an emergency…. What he did on his holidays

December 20, 2019

Interesting. The Australian Financial Review reports that “the Prime Minister’s minders ordered the media not to report that he had taken leave…” in the middle of a national bush fire emergency in which, in two weeks, over half of Australia’s yearly carbon emissions have been released, while refusing to talk to fire chiefs, or even recognising that there was a problem…. ‘Its not climate change. Its not climate change. How dare you suggest its climate change. How disrespectful is that….’

Weirdly, you might have thought the AFR would be a bit annoyed about this instruction, but they are calmly and kindly understanding. It was to protect the PM from “churlish criticism” and “undergraduate outrage on social media.”

Yes , it’s an “unremarkable holiday” and “everyone needs to take time out to recharge and reconnect with family,” especially a “hard-working Prime Minister” who is just like us, “Just a suburban dad.”

The problem with this, is that we all know that if a Labor PM bailed out on a major emergency, or if people were told not to report that, then the AFR would be howling for that PM’s head.

This is especially the case when we know his office at least twice denied the PM was in Hawai’i. They lied, but that is apparently not a problem.

Its Trump 101 reaching Australia.

Another minor thing, is that the instruction/request, assuming it existed (and why would the AFR, of all people, report it if it had not happened to them?), appears to assume that the media would largely treat the whole issue gently, and that the news would be suppressed. They assumed that, with the mainstream media onside, as usual, there would be no problem. There would also be no problem from the Labor Party, who have been consistently gentle about the Coalition. This was largely correct as the Right receives protection as standard.

However, a few outlets reported the issue (The New Daily, being the most vocal and breaking the story as far as I know) and it was taken up by ordinary people who then made it news through the derided social media, and they made it news in precisely the way that the Government and the PM, did not want it to be news. Some media clearly tried to play the issue down, others initially ignored it, and then under pressure from letters and fuss, decided to see it as worthy of discussion.

Whether this will be the change point in media representation of the government, in the way that Tony Abbott’s attempt to knight Prince Phillip and block gay marriage became a change point, it is too early to say. After all Abbott had to raise an huge amount of resistance before that change happened. But the politics of this is interesting to consider.

[I’m not linking to the AFR, because why give them clicks?]

A Second Jeremiad on Neoliberalism and Climate Change

December 17, 2019

As a reminder: Neoliberals are those people who consider the capitalist market the most important thing in life, with the implied consequences that markets always produce the optimum results, wealthy capitalists are obviously the best rulers and the State exists primarily to make and enforce the laws that allow established capitalists to operate profitably.

Neoliberalism corrupts culture, because culture is seen in terms of profit and power, and hence as produced through the falsehoods, advertising, hype, and PR which support profit and power. Only what is profitable and what contributes to plutocracy is valuable and good. Because Climate Change challenges some sources of power and profit, it becomes an unsolvable cultural and social problem, to be ignored, avoided or hidden for as long as possible.

Neoliberal politicians have no place for deep thinking, or hard virtue in facing reality, only thee word slogans, obfuscation and the promotion of established businesses. National pride is used to build racism, and loyalty to the corporate project. Economic theory is used to justify poisoning people and polluting environments, because any regulation of big business is foolishness and anathema. Culture wars are used to entrench their ‘common sense’, and to show that thinking will be excoriated and punished – doubly useful because if scientists or other experts say that neoliberal policies are rubbish and achieve the opposite of what they claim, then they are to be dismissed as part of the culture wars. The objections of others to their fantasies, are branded as politically evil, not attempts at trying to deal with reality, and people on the right know they face punishment should they turn. There is no need for neoliberals to listen to the opposition. Liberty of big business is to be preserved over your ‘accidentally’ dead bodies, and stultified minds.

Neoliberal inability is best demonstrated by climate change and ecological destruction. Rather than face up to the growing problems, to the growing knowledge we have about these problems or even to public demand, they run away.

They are faced with the problem that powerful and wealthy companies make massive profits out of selling fuels which are poisonous, through mining which is ecologically destructive, and through emissions which disrupt the global climate system. As profitable, it is taken for granted that these fuels are good. Challenging those fuels being burnt is evil, because it would threaten profit, or threaten the expansion of “free markets” and corporate domination elsewhere in the world.

There is nothing else to think, or which can be allowed to be thought.

So the problem is politicised. We get neoliberals claiming that climate change is a socialist plot – because people on the left see the potential desctruction of Western civilisation as a problem. We are told that it means the end of capitalism, when it probably means that some businesses have to change their ways of gaining profit, and adapt to reality. We are told that because the left has proposed solutions, the right is justifiably reluctant to propose its own solutions.

Neoliberals both cannot, and have not, proposed any solutions. They have managed to make this lack of thought and action part of their culture, because their culture is not geared to reality, but to maintaining existing profit and power. Neoliberal theory appears to have no way of beginning to think about this problem, other than hoping the market will solve it in time, and bear the cost of developing extensive new technology, even while they continue to pour subsidies into the fossil fuel industry to corrupt the market. This is the simple truth of the matter.

Hence in Australia, the East Coast is burning because of extended drought and high temperature. Sydney’s particulate pollution exceeds the recognized hazardous levels by a factor of 11. The neoliberals made the fires worse by ignoring warnings, cutting back on experienced fire fighting crew, refusing to plan for extended conflagrations, and refusing (and still refusing) to talk with fire chiefs. The Prime Minister refuses to go to the fire fronts, and instead apparently goes on holiday, to a place with breathable air (its secret you see).

[If you are Australian, you know that all previous prime ministers, including the neoliberals, would have been seen at the front, and would have emergency consultations, because it was their duty, even if they did nothing as a result. Now we have a marketing man in charge, and there is no duty. It is a sad day indeed, when one feels nostalgia for Tony Abbott.]

They are full of blame and displacement. The situation has nothing to do with them. They can take no responsibility, perhaps because they model their favoured form of social organization, the corporation, which is designed to avoid personal responsibilities and be potentially immortal.

Neoliberals misdirect as a matter of course. They claim it was the hostility of the greens to preventative burning that caused the fires, when that is not a Greens’ policy, Greens have marginal influence on government action, and in NSW the fire service exceeded government targets for preventative burning in a shorter period of time than expected (because the suitable periods of time are shrinking due to climate change). It was the fault of criminal people lighting fires, but this always happens, it just so happened that the drought and climate change made the consequences of fire-lighting worse. This is not exactly unpredictable. They say we always have fires in Australia. This is true, but these seem to be worse than we have ever had; instead of Black Friday, or Black Saturday, we have Black November and December, and the days of real heat and wind are still to come. Some of them still say climate change is not real, that all climate scientists are deluded – anything but think neoliberals might be the ones with a problem.

We have a country which is imperiled by drought. The drought is the worse I have seen. Even in the areas around Berrima, which are nearly always green the fields are dry and brown. However, in these drought regions some mining companies have unlimited access to water, or expect to be able to continue to take water from farmers and country towns, because they are big business and that is how it works. This is apparently not a problem for neoliberals.

Ecological destruction is not a problem for neoliberals; indeed sometimes it seems a triumph, as if they are transcending reality in their fantasy, and giving mortality and threat the boot, by producing this destruction.

Is this because they think enough wealth (the marker of proficiency and virtue) will save them? And if the rest of the people suffer, then, that is not a problem, as those people have shown they are not virtuous by not being rich enough to survive? Ordinary people are just labour-fodder to them?

Neoliberals seem paralysed by reality, because it goes against their culture of hoping that the market and big business can solve every real problem there is. They live in a world of delusion, of positive thinking, of PR, Hype, and advertising; in other words they live in a culture of lies.

Introduction to Neoliberalism, Plutocracy and Liberty Posts

December 17, 2019

This series of posts investigates some of, what for most supporters of neoliberalism, are its unintended consequences. I am, however, not entirely sure that these unintended consequences were not predictable and were not intended by the power elites.

In particular, this series of posts focus on neoliberalism’s effects on liberty. Neoliberalism has been sold as increasing liberty and destroying the interfering State, but I argue that this is dubious at best, and that neoliberalism promotes the liberty of the power elites through capitalist plutocracy and declining liberty for everyone else.

The arguement proceeds by:

1) Discussing liberty and types of liberty. This is all very basic, but necessary to begin with. The suggestion is that changes which increase the liberty of the power elite and business, will not necessarily enable the liberty of other people. Liberty may need to be enabled to exist, rather than simply come into being through lack of restrictions on the ruling class. Furthermore, some argue that liberty involves self-knowledge and self-control, and that this is hard to gain in capitalism which encourages indulgence and false information, as a normal part of its operation.

2) We then look at Neoliberal ideas of liberty, and the reduction of liberty to action in a free market. The market allocates more freedom to those who are wealthy, and less to those who are not, and therefore boosts the opportunity for rule by wealth, or plutocracy. Capitalist markets make people dependent on jobs and obedience, turn liberty into consumption, and put extraction of profit before everything. Making the market both primary and good suggests that profit should be the main indicator of value, makes the interests of big business overrule all others, and strongly implies that people who demonstrate competence in the market are superior and should rule, which further encourages plutocracy.

3) Neoliberals demand a small weak state but they usually neglect to tell people that they mean a State which is weak at helping ordinary citizens, but strong in defending the power of wealth. They pretend that the State is the only form of oppression, but the weaker the State, the easier it is for big business to have disproportionate influence, and the more oppressed other people can become. Wealth enables plutocrats to buy and control all other sources of power from violence to information.

4) After setting out the problems and apparent dynamics of neoliberalism, I then discuss some suggestions for remedying the problems, including the Convention of the States process, and the people’s recapture of the State to break corporate power.

5) Finally there is a note on social mobility. I describe some of the problems with assuming that social mobility is a solution to plutocracy. Social mobility does not have to threaten plutocracy, if it does not threaten the modes of plutocracratic power – it might just change the personnel, at best, and it might not even do that, because the control of wealth is concentrated in so few hands.

Some Definitions:

Neoliberalism is a movement largely sponsored by the corporate sector through its funded think tanks (from the Mont Pelerin Society to the Cato Instute and IPA), media organisations (like the Murdoch Empire, but nearly all media is corporately owned, and sponsored, and neoliberal in orientation) and university chairs. The team-up between business and academics, just happens to consolidate corporate power and dominance. Neoliberalism involves a lot of talk of “free markets” but in practice involves the cutback of the participatory State that is mildly helpful to everyone, and the promotion of State protection for, and subsidisation of, the established corporate sector. It may actively promote the harm of ordinary people in order to reinforce the power and liberty of wealth.

In other words, neoliberalism seems to aim at making the State a tool of the wealthy ruling class. Those who promote the idea that the State is the sole problem, and the free market the sole solution, seem to act as unwitting supporters of this corporate take over of the State.

In practice, whatever they say to the contrary, neoliberals make profit the only good. If liberty conflicts with profit, then profit will win out. The short truth appears to be that neoliberalism has everything to do with maintaining established power and profit, and nothing to do with liberty or solving real problems.

In general, neoliberal, or other pro-capitalist politicians and theorists, do seem to find it easier to work with self proclaimed authoritarian fascists or religious fundamentalists than they do with democratic socialists, or people opposed to tyranny or oppression. The History of US foreign policy , and business support for Hitler, should pretty much demonstrate that. The tendency of capitalists to try and capture the State to suppress protest against their rule through hardening laws against protest (as is happening in Australia to stop climate change protest) also gives them that affinity. Arms manufacturers support military action, and massive unaccountable military spending, and this activity implies military action or threat of such action. Some argue that the US has engaged in quite a few wars to protect corporate oil supplies and property, not only to project the power of the plutocratic state.

Neoliberalism is often sold as conservatism but, as I have argued previously [1], [2], [3], it is not conservative at all, it aims at a radical transformation of society, and the destruction of all tradition that considers life and virtue is about anything other than profit.

Plutocracy is defined as as rule by wealth, and the direction of all policy to support the wealthy (or wealthy families) and increase their power and wealth, and to suppress, deliberately or otherwise, any other variety of power or counter-power.

Rather than being an accidental feature of capitalism, I would suggest that crony capitalism, attempts at State capture and the imposition of plutocracy are an inevitable feature of that system. I know of no capitalism which is: not full of cronyism and collaboration; does not involve attempts at state capture and buying politicians; setting inheritance rules so that families (like the Bush’s and the Trumps) retain their power for as long as possible; and implementing market regulations that favour their established patterns of behaviour while preventing others from rising to challenge them. This arises because humans “team-up” for the benefit of their identity groups. Neoliberalism encourages team-ups in business, and in the politicians that speak for it, but not elsewhere.

Final Remark

I apologise in advance for the length of these posts and the absence of much empirical documentation. The lack of documentation is excused because it would make these posts about the length of a book. Besides, some highly influential forms of neoliberal economics don’t even give a nod to empiricism in their formulations either, and at least I’m not attempting a general theory of human action.

Next: Casual Remarks on Liberty

A Note on Social Mobility and Neoliberal Plutocracy

December 15, 2019

The Argument

It is a common argument that social mobility, if present, could undermine plutocracy, or any other form of domination. However, social mobility is quite complicated, and that it ‘can‘ undermine some forms of domination, does not mean it always will, or that it can undermine plutocracy in other than rare circumstances; perhaps of the collapse of that plutocracy (say through, ecological change driven by the plutocracy, which is unable to find a way around the problem without facing the possibility of its decline).

By suggesting research questions in this topic, I am not trying to imply that other people have not done the research, simply trying to get a beginning perspective on what we would need to investigate an important issue and come to a conclusion. Other people might well do a better job.

There are at least four patterns of social mobility.

  • a) The regular rise of fortunate and talented individuals from the apparent bottom to the visible top. Modern, post world war II, US examples might inclcude Bill Clinton, or George Soros.
  • b) The regular rise of groups from bottom to visible top. This is usually confined to particular skills and celebrity rather than to power. Modern, post WWII US examples, might include black sports-people, rap stars, or white rock/pop stars. This can pretty much leave the power structures unchanged. To make this clear, we may need to rigorously distinguish between a cultural elite and a power elite, as they are not necessarily the same.
  • c) The abililty of people to rise from the bottom into the realms of real and largely invisible power, to what is in contemporary plutocracy often called the “0.1%” (even though one in a thousand is still a gross magnification of their numbers). As this mode of life is heavily protected, and does not allow much research, this ability to move is hard to measure. Having an income in the top 5% or even 1% may not cut it when there are truly massive imbalances in wealth and power. In contemporary society it is possible to have an income well beyond the dreams of ordinary people, and still not be in the wealth and power elites.
  • d) When the groups forming the elite change and bring new ideas, and abilities to face the problems of society in general. This is what I have called the Toynbee cycle, and usually involves a change in social organisation, technological organisation, or a revolution provoked by the collapse of established social functioning. This kind of dynamics implies that the more that society remains neoliberal in orientation, the less chance there is of this change occuring without collapse.

Merged into this there is what we might call:

  • a) The amount of general mobility. How common is it for people and groups to ascend or descend?
  • b) The degree of mobility. The levels of change (ascent and descent) which can be experienced by people and groups.
  • c) The ways that mobility is socially allocated. Is it commoner in some parts of the hierarchy than others? Do those near the top find it easier to ascend, or those near the bottom? Are people in the lower groups finding life more precarious, or less free, with less opportunities over time?
  • d) Is the difference in peoples’ placement in the hierarchy becoming greater or lesser over time? For instance are the people at the top getting relatively more and more wealthy than those at the bottom, or less and less wealthy with respect to those at the bottom who are ‘catching up’?
  • e) Is the hierarchy intensifying and being reinforced over time, irrespective of the degree and amount of mobility?

Mobility: Normality or Change?

Mobility can either: a) undermine; b) not effect, or; c) reinforce the social hierarchy and/or its patterns, standard ideas, ‘class interests’ and drives.

All societies have some degree of social mobility, even caste and feudal societies, especially at the middle and lower levels of the hierarchy. So the existence of social mobility, in itself, is not necessarily a threat to organisations of power or the team-ups of established wealth. But it could be. We need to find the circumstances in which it does make a challenge.

The patterns of hierarchy can be preserved in many ways, despite mobility. People can move up the hierarchies and then work, or team up and work, to prevent other people rising in similar ways, so there is less threat to them and others in their position from those currently ‘beneath’ them (mobility upwards, implies the possibility of their mobility downwards). People can change their interests, culture etc, to match that already accepted in their new milieu to hide their comparatively ‘common’ beginings. They can sever contacts and loyalties with previous people they knew for the same reasons. They can even attempt to outdo the more established people in their application of existing elite conventions and culture, intensifying the pathologies of the ruling groups. On the other hand, while their rise can appear dramatic, socially mobile people may never penetrate the upper hierarchies which remain largely unchanged, and whose favour they may have to court, if they know its importance, or ever get to meet them.

I’d propose, and its a comparative research project, that the more unified the basis of power the more this preservation happens, because people need to get on in their new class, build new relationships and pass social tests to maintain their new position.

However, when there are varieties of power there can be change. For example, in post Tudor UK you had the intermarriage and combining of the mercantile and aristocratic classes, and royal promotion (later State promotion) of talented outsiders, which changed all classes to a degree, but eventually the power of wealth won out over the power of land ownership, because land could only be owned with wealth – the traditional aristocracy and its values declined.

If social power is based in a single primary factor (such as wealth), then it is probable that the highest families will grossly outweigh the next levels in society, and seek to confine influence to themselves, and confine the sources of power to themselves. If the basis of power is wealth then, if they hire good advisors, they do not even need to know much about the sources of power (land, energy, business, communication media, technological structures etc) they own or control, they just use wealth to accumulate more wealth and more power. Even if they loose half their fortune through bad decisions, they may still control more wealth and property than 99% of the people, and they have connections to help them through ‘hard’ times, by not only giving them new projects, but changing market legislation to give them subsidies or a boost.

Even with high social mobility, if the conventions and interests of the rising factions are the same as the established factions, nothing alters. Communism remains communism, aristocracy remains aristocracy, theocracy remains theocracy, plutocracy remains plutocracy. The systems may even become more intense, as the newcomers demonstrate their firm adherence to the old principles.

Post World War II mobility in the West

After World War II up until the 80s, State provided education was a major path enabling social mobility – people could move from manual labour into admininstrative, scientific, technical, educational and business jobs without necessarily belonging to the old boys network. They still largely depended on jobs, with all the submission that meant, but they were much freer and more prosperous than previously. The UK and US working class Renaissance and political ferment of the late 50s, 60s and early 70s seems to have largely grown out of this availability of education and the resultant weakening of the old class barriers.

This mobility seems to have been seen as a massive threat to, and disrution of, the established capitalist/military arrangement of power and privilege, and had to be stopped. Hence the promotion of the neoliberal counter-revolution and the death of the generally participatory and enabling State. The rising working class may have formed a new cultural or even bureaucratic elite, but they were only precariously a power elite.

The education path now seems to have run out. Graduates no longer automatically get high paid work without class based connections. Money has poured into the Elite schools again, so that members of the elite can keep the educational advantage, and build connections to keep them in employment and power – and the fees have usually risen in an attempt to keep lower-class people without contacts out.

But these patterns of change need empirical investigation.

The research project needed

The big research questions here are:

1) Has social mobility increased or decreased after the 80s in capitalist societies? One theory is that social mobility should increase along with talk of “free markets”, and one is that it should decrease. Personally I would expect that it would either stay much the same or decrease. Certainly what I have read suggests general mobility, and degree of mobility has declined after 1980 in comparison to the post WWII period.

2) What are good rates of social mobility, and what are normal, or poor rates of social mobility? Without this kind of knowledge people can claim their society has a high rate of social mobility when comparitivly it does not. What ‘everyone’ thinks mobility is like, is often different from the reality, especially when it is a selling point used to justify hierarchies and make them seem good.

2a) In relatively egalitarian societies social mobility may not be particularly marked, as the difference between high and low is not that great. Nevertheless, influential people may change and influence not remain stable within groups of families.

It may only be needful for justifiers of the hierarchy to talk of social mobility when people are actively excluded from power, and while power and wealth supposedly express a meritocracy.

3) Are people’s chidren more or less likely to shift upwards, and to what extent?

4) What is the social mobility which is relevant? Mobility downwards and mobility upwards. Is moving upwards within in a quintile social mobility, or moving between quintiles, or are we talking about the likelihood of moving up into the stratospheric wealth realms of the “0.1%” from the middle quintile? If for instance the 01.% remain relatively stable over generations, coming from a specific set of families and they keep acccumulating most of the wealth, can we say there is effective social mobility, even if there is a reasonable rate of crossing from one quintile into a higher one?

There may be little to no circulation of power elites, even if there is circulaton elsewhere in society. People may rise from poverty to hip-hop stardom without vaguely challenging the plutocracy, or even through celebrating signs of wealth as signs of success and virtue. Again what we are measuring needs to be clear.

5) To what extent does social mobiity affect power and the treatment of those who rise? The most visible socially mobile figures of power in the US have been the Clintons and the Obamas and they faced massive attacks, resistance and portrayls of their power and wealth as illegitimate, suggesting the ease of cultivating a succesful political hostility towards social mobility when it crosses established powers of wealth. Whereas the Bushs and Trump seem face relatively little hostility because of their born privilege. Indeed one can be frequently be told that Trump’s wealth is a mark of his intelligence and aptitude, whether it was inherited or not, while the wealth the Clintons earned is evidence of their corruption and evil.

6) Does social mobility, in a particular country or social system, reinforce, challenge, undermine or not affect the patterns of power? And over how long a history are we looking at?

7) Do the ideas and techniques used to rule remain similar, or change radically? Do the “social and cultural patterns of society” stay similar or alter?

To reiterate, whether or not social mobility can undermine plutocracy is a complicated question, and may need considerable research. However, it would seem a priori unlikely.

The Million Mile Battery

December 13, 2019

An article in yesterday’s cleantechnica reports a prediction that the Tesla Truck could soon have a million mile battery.

Let’s leave aside the fact that the original prediction was found by the author in Reddit. But the evidence for this proposition is that some researchers, with a contract with Tesla, think its possible.

Capitalism works by hype, PR, advertising and deception. The idea being that if you can persuade people that a product exists or will exist with amazing properties, then people will be less likely to buy competing inferior products, or will hold out for your innovation and be less likely to buy supposedly inferior products. As the article itself states ” This would be a key selling point for the indecisive buyer who is on the edge of purchasing one [a Tesla truck].” 

The researchers may also be making the claim to keep Tesla interested in them, and supplying some funding – they have an interest in selling themselves as well.

So unless there is strong evidence that a million mile battery is currently in the testing stages, and that it is practicable for Tesla to build them at a price which is likely to attract custom (I have a million mile battery that can just power a car, only it weighs 100 tonnes, takes a year to charge and costs about 2 million dollars. Anyone interested?), then the sensible approach is to assume this is hype, and look at what the Tesla truck can do now. That may even be remarkable, just not as good as ridiculous, and its not so dependent on promises.

Its too late to stop climate change

December 12, 2019

It is now probably too late to stop climate change.

It was not too late to stop it 10 years ago. We could have succeeded if there had not been massive political resistance to stopping it. Somewhere between then and now, we probably have passed a tipping point or two. Methane is being released from the seas and the Tundras. Forests, which were supposedly too wet to burn are burning. The Antarctic ice shelf is breaking up. Land ice is melting in Greenland. The Northwest Passage is becoming navigable. Towns and cities are without water supplies.

While we cannot stop change, disruption and chaos, we still have the option of making the results even worse, or holding the worse at bay. We also have the option of preparing for the worse, so we can deal with it as best we may, and diminish the damage. This is the best we can now aim for: mitigation and preparation.

Currently the East Coast of Australia is on fire. One of the reasons for the extent of the Bushfires is because Right Wing governments decided climate change was impossible or would not have an effect for years. They cut back experienced staff, and refused to prepare. They still seem to be holding back on helping firefighters. Even now they are trying to blame the extent and ferocity of the fires on anything other than climate change, and they are still arguing that we should increase emissions because it is profitable.

This is a classic example of how not to face a problem. They have walled themselves up. They cannot admit they were mistaken, and that they need to change. They have either never been able to propose a solution or wanted to propose a solution, and so politicised the problem so as to make doing nothing look righteous.

The Labor opposition is not much better, with their leader explicitly declaring the party in favour of coal exports as they make some money and we might as well make it. Neither of the main parties seems up to the challenge, although at least Labor might admit there is a problem. So, expecting the parties to change in time to stop total disaster, is almost certainly futile.

People who want to survive in a relatively stable society have got to keep fighting for us to prepare for the worse and to diminish the possibility of the worse, and they will have to fight inside and outside the political parties. Otherwise life will become extremely difficult, and keep getting harder and more unpredictable.

We may no longer be able to stop climate change, but we can prepare for it, and try to stop making it even worse. Hence a active climate movement is still necessary, and perhaps more necessary than ever.

Recapitulations of Neoliberal Liberty and ways to Remedy it

December 12, 2019

Continued from: Neoliberal Liberty and the Small State

Summary

Liberty is political. Different social groups can well have different ideas of liberty. If liberty is real, then there will be an ongoing and open process of political and cultural struggle, and the allocation, or avoidence of responsibilities

All systems of liberty have restrictions and compulsions. The fundamental political question is something like: “Are these restrictions of liberty, restrictions on ordinary people that help the dominant categories of people to continue to be dominant and avoid responsibility for their actions, or are they restrictions on the liberties of people who are dominant which enable ordinary people to have some influence and some escape from domination?”

We may also ask whether people’s liberty is enabled or not, particularly if they are not of dominant groups? Do all people, or simply some, have the liberty to work with others to govern themselves, and co-operate in tasks which are useful to them as a group?

Liberty conceived as absence of constraints, simply benefits those who already have power over others, and who have more options to take.

Beneficial change can increase conflict. Social groups or social categories who have been dominant, are likely to feel that they are loosing liberty if the subordinate groups, or categories, start winning more liberty for themselves, or start becoming equal. These formerly dominant groups are likely to complain that liberty is decreasing, when it is actually increasing for others.

In neoliberal culture, the liberties of capitalists and wealthy people seem to be considered primary, and the liberties of ordinary people secondary or largely irrelevant. Indeed false ideas of liberty can be used to sell ordinary people more freedom to be dominated. If the liberty of the oppressed is increasing, then it is likely that the dominating groups will team-up to declare that this increase of lower class liberty is oppression.

Making liberty totally about the liberty of the capitalist and wealthy, is achieved by the reduction of liberty to ‘liberty in the market’. Liberty in a market, may be part of liberty, but it is not the whole of liberty. Liberty in the market favours powerful players in the market, and the idea that almost everything should be subservient to profit, or to employers etc. These restrictions on liberty seem normal because they are needed to maintain capitalist power and become promoted as normal, becoming an accepted part of culture, action and thought. Powerful people tend to be able to protect and extend their liberty and curtail the liberty of others.

Another marker of freedom is whether it is easier for dominant groups to team up to protect themselves and extend their power, than it is for lower status groups to do the same. If it is, then people are not free.

In the contemporary world, corporations often capture the State, team up to capture the State, or are more wealthy and powerful than the State. Most people depend on business for their survival, and are rendered subservient by this factor which impacts on their liberty, and which subservience and hope is encouraged by dominant corporations.

These issues are why liberty is a cultural and political process, rather than purely abstract. There is no liberty if people cannot, or do not, become enabled to participate in the process of governance or in the making of culture and ideas.

Liberty is not simply a blanket category, it needs to be defined in situations and in political terms of its effect, and the power imbalances that are in operation.

Solutions

In the US there is a large movement called the Convention of States. They argue

Our convention would only allow the states to discuss amendments that, “limit the power and jurisdiction of the federal government, impose fiscal restraints, and place term limits on federal officials.”

Making the state more responsive to ordinary people is a good idea. Can this be done simply by making the State smaller, or less powerful?

Probably not. Making the State smaller and less powerful, makes it more vulnerable to organisations which retain their spread and power. State capture, pro-corporate laws, buying of politicians is likely to increase. It also hinders the State’s capacity for enhancing people’s liberty, if powerful organisations find this liberty troubling – and, as we have suggested, most corporations do not enhance the liberty of their workers, customers or victims.

This proposition is also compulsory, it “only allows” the states to discuss certain things, rather than common problems which bother them and need common action. This limits liberty, and it is not clear that this limit on liberty boosts the liberties of ordinary people rather than simply increases the liberties of the corporate sector to act as it chooses.

We might also expect that limiting the terms of federal officials, which might be useful, would also increase the pressure for federal officials to sell out to corporations while they have the chance, so as to guarantee a life income. This would clearly increase the likelihood of undue corporate influence in the State.

As already suggested “fiscal responsibility” while possibly a good thing in general, in neoliberalism, again acts as a way of reinforcing the power of the ruling classes, taking away power from everyone else, and enforces harassment of people for being poor.

Consequently, the motion as currently phrased is likely to be a dead end as far as liberty is concerned. It is far more likely to increase the power of established corporations and plutocracy. The convention does not preserve any basis for power that is strong enough to be able to resist plutocracy, even as badly as the neoliberal State might do now.

Breaking the Corporate Sector as a step towards Liberty

All large organisations, with access to more than one form of power, have the capacity to be repressive. They also have the capacity to team-up to increase their power and the repression they bring. Corporations, like other organisations, can both compete against each other, and co-operate to preserve and extend their power.

If the solution to the problem of the State is to break it up, the same solution should be applied to the corporate sector and other large organisations. Applying the solution simply to the State seems to be the kind of neoliberal solution which increases the power and influence of corporations.

Increasing Participation

The best solution is to increase the participation of citizens in the State, and remind people that politics is not the provenance of a political class but everybody. Everybody, almost everyday, gets together with other people to decide and plan what they are going to do together, or how their own desires work out with other peoples’. This is normal. The State is simply this happening on a larger scale. However, the wealthy, usually have an interest in keeping people out of participation in the State as ordinary people are unpredictable, and may require money, or responsibility, from the wealthy. This is why Hayek and his like try to make it impossible for the State to interfere in the corporately defined market, or raise taxes, or to expect the wealthy to take responsibility for their actions. It is also probably why Libertarians repeatedly denounce the tyranny of the majority: the interests of the people are not necessarily the same as the interests of the corporate power elite. The point of this neoliberal action is to try and persuade people to leave power with the wealthy.

There are five possible steps to the process of increasing liberty. While all may not be practicable, all should at least be discussed.

1) Make the State more responsive to ordinary people, and isolate it from the power of wealth. Corporations are not individuals (especially not immortal individuals) and they should not have rights of free speech and donation with no responsibility, although their members should have (even if corporations often seem to be allowed to sack people for voicing opinions the corporation does not like). Contributing to campaigns over a small limit should be forbidden as this decreases the participation, influence and liberty of poorer people. The standard process of politicians getting high level corporate jobs, or subsidies, after leaving politics should be forbidden to preserve other people’s liberty.

These constraints are amongst the constraints on liberty that prevent power from being accumulated and allow liberty to exist. They are not constraints on the liberty of ordinary people, simply on the wealthy sector’s ability to accumulate power.

One probably insolvable problem is that people’s main sources of information about what is happening in the State comes from corporately owned media, which is likely to be biased towards the preservation of corporate power and, possibly, to the production of fiction, as is normal for business. This will influence people’s participation, as it does now. This factor also needs to be considered; is it possible to avoid ‘fake’ pro-corporate news in neoliberal capitalism?

2) Use the State to break up the power of the wealthy corporate sector, so it has less chance of influencing the outcome of politics. Make sure the breakup is real, rather than simply apparent with hidden co-ordination.

Make sure that corporations and wealthy people do not pay less of their earnings in tax, than the median of the population, so that the State has an income. I’d be in favour of a high-level wealth tax to hinder class and elite family power developing, especially amongst non-talented individuals. Say death taxes on wealth and property of over $20m. This would affect very few people and still leave sizable inheritances, but it will not be popular precisely because it acts a little against the eternal preservation of the wealth elites. Remove laws that allow tax evasion for the wealthy so that the cost of the State and infrastructure does not primarily and proportionally fall on the middle and lower classes.

3) Make the State smaller, but not significantly smaller than the broken corporate sector, or else we are back to where we started.

Keep encouraging and enabling people to participate in local decision making, town hall meetings, easy participation in elections etc.

4) Set up institutions which are independent of wealth, and which have access to different bases of power, so that power is split amongst many institutions, and it becomes hard for a monopoly of power to assert itself.

5) More controversially perhaps in this neoliberal age… Make the State useful and helpful to people again, rather than hostile to them and friendly to the corporate sector. This probably also involves increasing the tax intake from powerful people, so everyone else can pay less and receive more services.

The more well disposed people are to the State, and the less alienated they are from it, then they more they are likely to participate in using it, running it, and holding other factions and interests in the State to account. The less alienated they are, the less likely they become to allow the State to be run for a particular social grouping and lose their liberty. If some ordinary people rip the State off, then that is the price for liberty, and it costs less than the continual rip off of taxpayers by the corporate sector.

Continued in: A note on social mobility.

Neoliberal liberty and the small State

December 9, 2019

Continued from Neoliberal Liberty and the market

Most human societies have not required States, and according to James Scott that includes some early, fairly large scale, settled agricultural societies. Many of these non-state based socieites seem to actively resist those processes that lead to State formation, such as: a) accumulation of wealth by kinship or position; b) the monopoly of approved violence, or; c) the monopoly of religious positions. Fighting the accumulation of wealth to prevent the State forming, is vitally important as the wealthy can, as I’ve said previously, often buy other forms of power, such as being able to afford military specialists over many generations.

This point about resistance to power is important; these stateless societies are not the kinds of societies praised by neoliberals. They are not capitalist societies. In particular they are not corporate capitalist societies. And, they are not necessarily societies in which everyone is free. Old people often rule over younger people, men over women etc.

However, in all these societies (as is normal), people co-operate, or team-up to expand their, and others, capabilities and survival chances, and (in this case) to prevent the formation of a State, or power elite, or wealth elite.

‘Teaming up’ will always occur. To some extent, corporations and states arise out of this natural trait and, as a result, have many institutional similarities and weaknesses. Humans are both competitive and collaborative creatures, and a society which does not realise this active ‘contradiction’ will probably be suppressive in some way or another. The point is that organisation, and disorganisation, do not necessarily require a State. States may come about when the activities which prevent them from forming are suspended.

My supposition, based on the behaviour of historical States, is that the main need for States arises to protect people from other States, or other large scale organisations. Once military states are established they tend to spread to gain resources to feed their soldiers and support the expansion. Similarly, corporations tend to spread to gain resources, and again historically have used violence to do so if people are not interested in providing resources, buying corporate products, or selling their own labour. As implied elsewhere, crony capitalism and the take-over or an existing State, or generation of a new State, are normal parts of capitalism. Capitalism does not exist without States, so capitalists are never going to completely break up the States they own, so they can keep the laws and threats which enable them to operate.

However, States and corporations are not monolithic bodies but sites of conflict, with competing departments, friction inside deparments, conflicting policies, different linkages to insitutions outside the themselves, different problems of survival, and so on. This factionalism may help liberty, if it stops one faction from exerting complete control. Again, the more the sources of power are kept separate, and wealth is controlled, the greater the chance that one source of power will not dominate.

Neoliberalism and the State

Neoliberalism promotes the idea that the weaker the state the more liberty we get.

There are clearly limits to this after a State has been established. A collapsed state is a weak state, and unlike real stateless societies, the collapsed state tends to involve continual violence. In this situation there may be little constructive liberty. People are reduced to attack and defense, and organisation for attack and defense. Survivial compulsion is dominant over every form of liberty.

The idea of the weak state is a driving idea in communism as well as in neoliberalism. The State is supposed wither away after the revolution. Of course the communist state doesn’t wither away because it is needed to impose order after the revolution and protect the revolution and is easily hijacked by ruthless people who appear dedicated to the revolution. The same seems true of the neoliberal State, it does not dissolve after the revolution, but reinforces the neoliberal takeover, attempts to put down opposition, and is easily hijacked by ruthless people.

I would tend to argue, unless contrary evidence is provided, that the evidence suggests that the neoliberal weak state, is strong when it comes to defending and ‘nannying’ the established corporate sector, while weak when it comes to defending or enabling ordinary people. For example, the neoliberal State would much rather protect established fossil fuel companies, than attempt to do anything about climate change, no matter how costly it is to the general population. In other words the neoliberal weak-State argument seems to be a deceptive rhetoric used to help support plutocracy – or government by the wealthy classes

This is largely a guess, based on observation of what has been happening over the last forty years of ‘small State’ and ‘free market’ talk (and forty years is long enough to assume that we have attained as much of the aims of the movement as is possible or likely). However, the point is that rather than assume a small state is necessarily responsive to voters/locals we have to look at how corporations interact with smaller States. This requires research, which is beyond the scope of this blog.

In neoliberal capitalism, do people get more or less control over their lives as a result of weakening the State? Getting more control over their lives seems unlikely unless the State is particularly bad.

Corporations vs the State

Corporations both need, and support the State, to support their ways of action and accumulation. However, they can easily dominate the State rather than be dominated, especially nowadays.

Modern corporations are motile. The have ‘span’, they have wealth. They may need an area of land, but they rarely need a particular area for ever. They use it for as long as it is profitable, and can move on. They can be multi-sited, officially based elsewhere to transfer revenues and profits out of the places they operate in.

On the other hand ‘States’ are place bound, they are in competition with other states, and they may have less money than corporations.

In this cirumstances there is a definate power imbalance.

Corporations can promise they will set up in the place with the lowest tax rates, lowest restrictions on pollution and so on, setting up a competition between weak States. The people of those States can be bombarded with pro-company propaganda (media disinformation) which does not specifically have to be untrue, but it can leave out harms, and exagerate benefits – just as Adani (with the help of its politicians and the Murdoch Empire) has exaggerated the numbers of jobs and revenue its mines will bring, and downplayed the likely danger to the water table, and other damages to the ecology. Poorer small states are more likely to agree, and thus earn less and become more able to poison their people, or ignore the massive degradation produced by corporate activity. Often if the area is poor, they may consider that the price of pollution is worth the jobs they might get.

They may find they never get those jobs of course, people may be flown in from elsewhere, due to local skill lacks, or the expected lack of imported labours’ ability to unify and challenge the disruption to local lives, their allocated work practices and wages given . The company may also not pay the wages fully and just move out if there is trouble – as stated previously they are motile with no lasting relations to place or the small State’s exercise of power. Or they can destroy the environment, take all the minerals etc. and leave waste and destruction behind. This kind of normal and passing behaviour, with no longer term investment, can produce short term booms which destroy local economies in the longer term, as seems to be recurrent with fracking.

Often small states do not know the consequences of some forms of development, say mining, and it can be difficult to challenge the corporation in courts to get resitution for the destruction. It might well have proven more economic and beneficial to support local companies, but they can have less influence as less wealthy.

Neoliberal Privatisation

A major part of the neoliberal weakening of the State is for the State to hand over common (tax payer owned) property to the private sector, or to contract out state services to the private sector. This is known as privatisation. Experience shows that this almost never delivers better, more liberty respecting services cheaper. It just means that more parts of life get handed over to the control of business, and that the power of business over the lives of people increases.

It has also increased the potential for corruption, and handing of public property to ‘friends’ at knock down prices, also costing government revenue, but giving free revenue to businesses.

Often public needs become controlled by non-local forces, and the State, and the popular voice, has little power to change things, without alienating these powerful forces. Thus when the State privatises water supplies, we gain situations in which rivers run dry because of large private storage, and towns die because they cannot afford the costs of the water (just as people may starve if they cannot grow their own food and cannot pay as much for food as people in some other market). Perhaps the wealthy keeping the water for their own profit or agriculture was the prime requirement of the privatisation. In one circumstance I heard of, the company who bought the water, turned the local reservoir land into housing estates, made a quick profit, and left the area with a water shortage.

Private jails are best served by rescidivism, and returning custom, rather than reform of criminals, and so on.

If you really believed business was more efficient than government, you would rent out poorly performing and unprofitable government ventures to private enterprise, to see if they could provide better services for less cost and make money out of this. However, neoliberals usually sell off, or give away, the profitable arms, or properties, of government, making sure the State debt increases, while allowing the new owners to deliver inferior services, sack staff and massively boost the incomes of their high-level executives. It’s a redistribution of property and income away from the people.

The Useful Function of the State

The State is a site of conflict, and political process. A participatory State has the capacity to include people in the politics of organising themselves and co-operating with others. Without a open State, such processes can only happen at a small scale, and large scale processes will be controlled by the dominant groups.

The theory of the small state also depends upon whether you think of liberty as absence of compulsion, or as being enabled and requiring people to be able to participate in governance with others. In reality the neoliberal state only opposes compulsion for the wealthy, and perhaps those who support them.

As we can see in Australia, the financial industry and building industries can committ massive crimes against its customers, but that is of little concern to the neoliberal State. Corporations are not compelled to be honest, while neoliberals are seeking to make sure that unions can be deregistered for failing to fill in forms absolutely correctly.

The neoliberal State, like the communist State, is in practice only vaguely participatory. It needs to reinforce the dominance to lower the chaos it generates, and lower possible action on behalf of ordinary peoples liberties. You elect representatives and then leave them alone to get on with whatever they choose to do, or choose to sell out to. The small State is to be controlled by the corporate class and their representatives alone, which is why popular participation is discouraged.

Conclusion

In a capitalist system, given that the corporate world remains strong, then it is even easier for them to take over a weakened state and set up stronger plutocracy and reduce liberty to that form of life which is compelled by the market that they largely manufacture the rules of. This may well be why the corporate sector encourages the theory of the small state as liberating. – although they always use the State the strengthen themselves and weaken others, by such acts as increased military spending, suppressing anti-capitalist protests, encouraging pollution, suppressing constraints on corporate power and profit, and making workers weaker by removing non-capitalist enabling support. This take over is relatively easy when they almost completely control the means of information.

Small states may be particularly vulnerable to strong corporate power, because the power differential is higher, and because of the absence of non-pro-corporate ideologies.

I suspect that, in our societies, you have to weaken the corporate sector to if you really want to weaken the State and allow liberty. You may also have to strengthen places of potential opposition against plutocracy.

Continues in: Recapitulations of Neoliberal Liberty and ways to remedy it.

Neoliberal Liberty and the market

December 8, 2019

Complete in itself (I hope) but continuing on from Casual Remarks on Liberty

In the English speaking world, since the late 1970s, both sides of politics seem to have increasingly developed the determination to protect and increase the power of large corporations, establish plutocracy and impinge on the liberty of people in general. The political elite of the Right seems more thorough and overt about this, so I shall primarily discuss Right wing style politics in this and a few subsequent posts. It may need to be said that there are many well intentioned people on both the Right and Left who oppose this move, or who do not appear to have noticed what is happening.

Market Liberty and Hierarchy

The first step taken in the contemporary promotion of plutocracy is the reduction of liberty to action in a market. Liberty of action in a market may indeed be important, but it is not the only factor in making liberty or in guarranteeing the continuance of liberty. Over-emphasis on this factor may be destructive of liberty.

A free market does not mean a free society, it more likely means a “fee society”, in which those with wealth can buy more services, buy more influence, and have much more impact on the market and other people than those who are poor or merely comfortable. These wealthy people also have much more freedom and power to tell others what to do. They become more important, and the market gears itself to serving them and where the greatest profit arises with the least effort. This set up, also means those with wealth can buy privilege as a matter of course; they can purchase access to politicians, lawyers, PR agents, or criminal threat and promote the kind of information, organisation, and distribution of risk, that suits them and not others, and so on.

Where wealth differentials become high enough then the wealthy can buy all forms of power to protect the retention of their wealth, and remove freedom for others from the market and the State. Capitalists suppress unions of workers, but not unions of businesses, (through buying politicians, laws and regulations).

I have previously mentioned the common excuse that the media these people own, can lie to benefit them with impunity, because they own it and have the right to control what it says. Such a position implies they have no resposibility towards truth, only towards ‘selfish’ support of faction and maintaining their power. They are demanding liberty without responsibility.

With, or without, direct control over media, they can support those who work in their favour, and ignore or trouble those who don’t. Society can become snowed by false information, which boosts their power.

While it can sometimes be argued that people have earned this wealth and should be rewarded, it is also common for people to inherit the wealth with little sign of any particular ability. Inherited or not, the wealth was almost always made with the help of others, who did not share in the wealth they produced because of the laws of capitalist privilege. Wealth also gives the ability to network with other wealthy people and team-up for the benefit of that group as opposed to everyone else. This is especially important if the ideology encourages and enforces the idea that less powerful people should act primarily as individuals outside of their place of employment.

The interaction between people with wealth increases their power and impact on others and, in general, power based in wealth appears to deny responsibility towards others (human or otherwise). There are studies which seem to show that wealth encourages behaviour most people would consider immoral, partly because the wealthy can get away with it, and partly because wealth can encourage indifference to, or contempt towards, less wealthy people. This encouraged ‘selfishness’, impacts on the liberty of others.

If it is more profitable to destroy an environment than to preserve it, then it will be destroyed legally. If it is more profitable to poison people than not, then people will be poisoned legally – and enabling free pollution seems to be one of President Trump’s major economic policies (the other being interfering in the free market through tariffs – some say that he gave massive tax concessions to large scale property owners as well). The only thing that is to be protected is the property and liberty of those wealthy enough to defend it in the courts.

For me, the direction of this kind of market liberty was most clearly revealed in conversations with self-proclaimed libertarians who argued that everyone should have the right to sell themselves into slavery. The billionaire with access to all kind of privilege and defense has the same right as the person with no capital, income or shelter and a hungry family to sacrifice their liberty forever in return for a small sum of money and survival. To be concise, in this case, market liberty encourages slavery of the non-privileged.

Reducing liberty to the market, biases liberty towards wealth, and may even remove wealth from those not so fortunate through the conditions of employment and survival.

In actually existing capitalism, it is doubtful that a free market can exist for long. No capitalist wants to keep a market which may unhorse them, when they have the opportunity to team-up to try and use the power of wealth to prevent this from happening.

Liberty vs. Employment

Given that most people can no longer support themselves, by producing their own food, shelter, clothing and so on, then the primary social relationship in the market, is between boss and employee. Employees are expected to be subservient. And although a few employees may be fortunate enough to have the ability to leave what they consider to be oppressive conditions and immediately move into another job without suffering penalty, employees will generally find that employers, as a group, expect obedience. Employers also expect ownership of the results of their employees’ labour and even their employees’ ideas, sometimes even those ideas not generated at work. Some types of work require the employee not to work in the same industry if they leave their job, which further weakens employee power and liberty. In many cases employers attempt to deskill jobs to make employees interchangeable and cheap; this also makes work is largely boring and with little requirement for skill development, and this may well impact on the kind of self-development and understanding needed for real liberty.

Fear of lack of employment in general, and of the consequences arising from standing up to an employer, is likely to be constant, also impinging on employee’s ideas and practices of liberty; their lives become servitude, learning to placate and please their boss. Growing lack of support from the State for periods of unemployment (even hostility to those attempting to find work, as in Australia), and State sponsored hostility to unions (employees organising for group resilience) further weakens the ability of people to freely change employment, or risk challenging their employer. This routine demand for obedience is almost certainly not conducive to a sense of liberty.

One reason for working at a university originally was the amount of freedom you had from this kind of submission. Provided you did your contracted lectures you were free to do whatever you liked, within the criminal law. You could keep your ideas and share and develop them as you chose. With increasing corporatisation (the extension of capitalist modes of organisation to other forms of life) this freedom is completely undermined, by endless paperwork, performance evaluations, demands for results, customer satisfaction surveys, and even university ownership of ideas in scientific disciplines. This extension of corporatisation is all about spreading the demand for worker submission to bosses. In the older days the universities were far less profit oriented, far freer and did not require proportionately much more money from the public.

One of the endless complaints of capitalist colonialists was that the conquered people would not work for wages – they were, in the would-be bosses terms, ‘lazy’. At best people would work until they had earned enough for whatever they wanted, and then they would return to self-sufficiency. This liberty had to be prevented, as you cannot run a capitalist business with that kind of freedom and uncertainty. Hence, land would be taken from conquered people, taxes and punishments applied, to get people to engage in wage labour. In the West the formation processes of capitalism had involved people being thrust of the land, self-sufficiency destroyed, and labour forced into low wages. At least according to some sources, wages were often not enough to survive on, but no matter, there were always more laborers. Wage labour could be cheaper than slavery – as the boss did not have to keep their workers alive.

This is the point of the anarchist demand “No State, No Church, No Boss”. ‘Boss’ is usually translated as ‘Master’, which is what bosses where called in nineteenth century Europe. With most people having to submit to bosses to survive there can be little learning of the paths of liberty.

Free market theory on the other hand demands more power for bosses, with less independence for workers. This is likely to be one reason why neoliberals are so hostile to unions, unemployment benefits and social wages, and completely indifferent to the effects of organisations of employers.

Liberty becomes Consumption

While liberty is reduced to freedom to be bossed, the market further transmutes desires and ambitions into the purchase of commodities, rather than self expression through independent creation. ‘Artists’ are judged solely by their ability to sell their art. Companies promote those artists they think will be successful and make the most profit for them and simply sign and ignore the others, and this is not unreasonable given the logic and compulsion of the market. The history of the recording industry is full of accounts of successful artists getting further into debt slavery because of the perfectly legal machinations, and exploitation, of managers and record companies.

Freedom in the market, for most people, comes down to freedom to buy what they can afford (or to go into debt); often having to choose between different brands of product owned by the same company. While freedom to choose what you can purchase is probably good, it is not the complete basis of liberty.

Profit and Liberty

In a neoliberal State, profit is everything, especially the profit of established and powerful business. This is the case, irrespective of whether every activity is best run with profit as the aim. Profit supposedly marks virtue, talent, hard-work, quality and success.

Eliminating costs is the easiest way of increasing profit, as nothing innovative, new or useful has to be thought up or invented. Employees are a cost and a potential trouble, so they need to be eliminated or further controlled, as much as possible (again liberty of employees is unimportant in market liberty, especially low level employees). Lying and misdirection can quickly boost profit and save costs, so it’s buyer beware and making markets and profit primary, corrupts truth. Cleaning pollution is a cost and so polluting is not a problem, and neoliberals work to increase their ability to freely pollute and freely destroy ecologies (with any burden going to other people). The likely reason the Right cannot even talk about dealing with climate change, is that dealing with it might threaten the profits of some established and powerful corporations. Profit is not only inherently good, but more important than survival. Pollution poisons, or potentially poisons, people, that is simply an unimportant side effect of the free market, to be challenged in courts if at all – after all, to neoliberals, the market solves all problems and being hurt by their activity, is your own fault.

In court, the corporation is usually safe without a strong participatory State responding to people, because ordinary people find it hard to overcome the financial and legal imbalance between them and the offending corporation. The class action has developed in an attempt around this corporate dominance. Mostly this makes profit for the lawyers if successful. However neoliberal politicians try and make class actions harder, so individuals are more vulnerable to corporate abuse. Where I live, if the people have a victory, the neoliberals change the law to make sure it can’t happen again – it is clearly the law that is at fault not the corporation – profit and corporate liberty must be protected, whatever the effects on the liberties of others.

The structure of the corporation with its diffusion of resonsibility, means that it is hard to hold its members responsible for corporate crimes, especially if the crmes were profitable. If the shareholders don’t care, or have benefitted enough, then that is the end of it, or some high level executive might get dismissed with a huge bonus. Of course if the crime diminished corporate profitability and was committed by a low level person, the consequences might be different. The corporation gives liberty without resonsibility to its executives and shareholders, and a massive kick to ordinary people; it is inherently a tool of hierarchy and dominance.

The more power and liberty given to the corporation, the less for everyone else.

Neoliberal markets and the Corruption of Truth

Liberty demands an attention to truth, and accuracy of beliefs. You cannot be completely free, or completely able to adapt to reality, if you are routinely misled. In capitalism misleading advertising, PR, obfuscation, fantasy and product hype are normal and intrinsic parts of the system. The general idea is to gain attention in the profitable way, and to provoke excitement and stability of power, rather than the contemplation of truth.

This disinformation stretches into political behaviour and supposed news which become attempts to persuade people to acquiesce to their subordination, or to be distracted from real problems. We are all told capitalists gain their wealth through their superior talents, or the favour of God, rather than because of their crimes, power or connections, and that leaving everything to the market, (that is, big business) will solve all major problems. We do not have to participate, other than by choosing products out of the range we are presented with, and with the dubious information we are given as part of sales practice.

Through these misinformation actions, capitalists create a fantasy world, which eventually clashes so strongly with reality, that crashes of all kinds happen (economic, political, ecological to name a few). Elections simply become spending and disinformation wars between corporations – it is doubtful they are free in any meaningful sense – successful candidates are more likely to be of some pro-corporate party simply because they will not be continually slurred in the corporately owned media and will receive better financing. In this system, elections change more or less nothing. Trump is just another slightly more erratic neoliberal, which is why he has such solid Republican backing, despite his more morally dubious actions.

Neoliberalism and Fiscal Restraint

Neoliberals constantly call for fiscal restraint from the State. However, after forty years of such demands, I know of no State which is cheaper to run than it was previously. However, nearly all neoliberal States are less helpful to the populace, and more hostile and persecutory to those they are supposed to help. It possibly could be argued that neoliberalism functions by persecuting people it considers weak outsiders, like the unemployed, refugees, despised ethnic groups or disabled people. This helps ordinary people to feel less suppressed by comparison.

The Reagan Revolution made this clear. There were massive cutbacks in social spending accompanied my massive increases in military spending. Neoliberals did not object to this, probably because military spending goes largely to arms manufacturers, and contractors, rather than to ordinary people. In other words it increased private profit, which is their ultimate goal. Reagan also reduced tax intake from the wealthy, on the grounds that they would now generate more income and pay more tax. Not surprisingly while tax cuts for the wealthy are always popular with the wealthy, they rarely to never increase tax revenue. Revenue fell at the same time as expenditure increased, which lead to more calls for cuts on social spending.

If one really wanted to reduce State debt, then clearly it might be possible to consider a process to make certain that corporations paid at least the same levels of tax on their profits that ordinary people do on incomes, rather than much less, zero, or even negative tax. You also would not put masses of effort into chasing small abuses of public funding when you could put the same effort into pursuing large abuses. Lowering tax evasion and avoidance by the wealthy, could then lower everyone’s tax burden, which is supposed to be the aim of the exercise. However, in neoliberalism, it is considered great if the burden of the State is shifted onto the middle class, and that wealthy people get to pay less and less tax so they increase their wealth and power.

During this period, regulations for the populace and the power of the security state have increased, causing impingements on liberty for normal people. Life has been overtaken by neoliberal form filling, as government departments try to make sure they have not helped non-wealthy people by accident, and that everything has been done as cheaply as possible, with the least encouragement of liberty.

Privatisation (especially of profitable services) increased, but it has rarely cost the government less, although they lose power and income, while it boosts the power and influence of business over people.

Neoliberals also tend to support charitable organisations rather than people’s rights to services, probably because charitable organisations, especially religious ones, have a great tendency to interfere in the lives and liberties of those they are charitable towards, while not impinging on the lives of the wealthy. This history of interference was one of the reasons for the workers’ interest in State provided services as a mode of liberty.

Fiscal responsibility for neoliberals comes down to less money spent by the State helping, or enabling, ordinary people, and more money spent on corporate subsidies, time wasting, and defence of corporate power.

Conclusion

To equate market liberty to full liberty is almost comic. It is reductive, deceptive and only enabling of the power of wealth and corporate organisation – which is why market friendly States tend to give subsidies to the already successful and strip them away from the less fortunate. In practice market liberty proposes that the non-wealthy are inferior and only deserve constraint.

The market, left to itself, enables hierarchy, plutocracy, consumption and obedience rather than liberty. This is why the idea is useful for the promotion, and sacralisation, of corporate power.

These comments continue in: Neoliberal Liberty and the Small State