Archive for November, 2021

Diamond Points: 8-12

November 29, 2021

This follows on from an earlier group of posts about Jared Diamond’s book Upheaval , which is basically about strengths which help avoiding collapse when in a crisis.

This is about points 8 to 12

Point 8: Experience of of success in previous crises.

This gives a person or nation confidence they can solve, or survive, crises. However it can also give false confidence, especially if powerful people in a society apply a method which no longer works, or which generated the current crisis. For example, the political and labour crisis produced by neoliberalism, cannot be solved by more neoliberalism. So we still need to face up to personal and social power and conceptual issues (which can resemble ego issues). Confidence might be good, but over-confidence or rigid faith in a method, might not. It’s two edged.

Point 9: Patience [in uncertainty]

Diamond defines this interestingly as “ability to tolerate uncertainty, ambiguity or failure at initial attempts to change.” I’m not sure this is what people normally mean by patience, but the description is probably a good thing. Do not attempt to resolve ambiguity or paradox too early, as that will crush awareness of complexity. Deciding that the method you have will have to work, is probably going to lead to problems. “It may take several attempts testing different ways.”

Diamond also points out that national problems generally require negotiation between groups with different aims, understandings, values and identities, and this does take normal patience.

To some extent this idea of toleration of uncertainty etc, blends with the next stage of

Point 10: Flexibility

Flexibility is the ability to change, to cast aside rigidity. This is not simply a matter of choice. Later on Diamond wonders if this criteria is applicable to countries. It may not be, but I suspect it can be applied to power relations, and possibly work relations. Again (it would seem) the stronger the divisions of power, the greater the lack of ‘circulation of elites’, and the more reluctant hierarchy is to learn from others ‘further down’ (hence obstructing information flow), the less flexibility. If you cannot risk offending fossil fuel companies, or whatever, and if it is easy to shift costs and damages downwards, then the less likelihood a nation has of solving the problem.

Point 11: Core Values

Values can render a person inflexible and cruel, yet they can also make a person trustworthy, refuse to yield, and able to act. They can bring both clarity and fog. This is one of those things which might be useful and might not. If the values are destructive, then it might be useful to realise that and change them. Values usually evolve to help people do what they have to do (to survive), but sometimes this can be slow to change, and they may end up defending the causes of problems such as the freedom of companies to pollute and destroy, or compulsory group loyalty or individualism.

This is an aspect, I think is situational rather than general.

Point 12: Freedom from constraints or responsibilities

This is difficult, especially socially. It is hard to be a politician, activist, public servant, citizen, who is free from constraints. Everyone has constraints, systems have constraints, ecologies have constraints, economies have constraints – the question is how badly they affect you or restrict your action.

Quite likely, people have to some extent part of the machine which has become geared to producing the problems (individual and social). You are likely to have responsibilities to others. Separating out, and gaining perception of new constraints, may require group work and group discussion. Diamond points out that nations have geographical, ecological and relational constraints. Their landscape makes some behaviours harder than others – deserts have consequences, cold and heat have consequences. Sharing a border with a much greater power has consequences. Being an island has consequences. Human actions in those constraints have consequences. You can engage in deforestation and soil can be swept away. You can over-farm. You can fish out the seas and so on. Constraints may have to be acknowledged and worked within. It could be useful to find out which restraints come from power relations, and which come from the nature of reality.

Problems with analysis

The fundamental problem is that these categories, while apparently useful, are extremely hard to test as they involve interpretation of complex systems. Sometimes in the book, it is clear what applies, and other times it seems to me, that we could have used different data, or even the same data, to draw opposite conclusions.

However, despite this fundamental problem, I still think it is interesting to look at the differences and similarities between personal and social resilience, and think about the capacity to face challenges.

At the least we can ask, what kind of social structures boost some capacities, what boosts the capacities too much, and what kind of structures destroy the capacity of people to respond. It sometimes appears, that with climate change, individuals and some groups, can respond far better than those in power, or those with wealth in general. In which case people might find it useful to look at these kinds of personal crisis strengths and apply them to their lives and organisations.

Bane Shapiro: How to Destroy America

November 25, 2021

Shapiro has written a book which is supposedly diagnosing the problems with US, while actually promoting those problems.

Having read this book, I feel inspired to write another one – perhaps with the same title. It would be about the struggle between “unionists” and “woke” and would be just as unbiased and scholarly.

It would make points like:

Unionists believe that all real Americans are like them and agree with them; the rest are scum, not to be listened to, and possibly to be locked up, or shot in self-defense.

Woke believe there are lots of different groups in the US, that diversity is part of what makes people Americans.

Unionists believe that there is only one American history and everyone has experienced it the same way. There are no contemporary problems which arise from that history. History is a harmonious narrative of triumph over obstacles and in which slave owners cooperated with slaves and enobled them, and in which Native Americans knowingly surrendered to a superior culture.

Woke believe that history has been a different experience for different groups. Bosses and workers have not experienced history in the same way, white people not experienced it in the same way as black people, as Latino people, as native Americans and so on. This is normal. Histories of oppression still have effects on people, on where they live, on their general opportunities, on the way social institutions behave towards them and so on. Disharmonious history still has effects.

Unionists believe that talking about oppression, either recent or historic, just encourages fragmentation, and it should not be done. “I’m not racist therefore there is no racism”.

Woke people believe that not talking about oppression, either recent or historic, encourages and naturalises that oppression, and leads to fragmentation.

Unionists believe that the US “founding fathers” were men of extreme religious virtue, who followed a modern day protestant truth.

Woke people believe the US “founding fathers” had faults; many of them were slave owners, for example. These people were not modern day protestants, a lot of them were theists, deists and freemasons. They saw religions as potential sources of oppression of other religions, and were not keen on religious ‘irrationality’.

Unionists believe their religion is good and true and everyone should follow it. If they don’t they are probably satanic or communist.

Woke believe there are lots of different religions. Religions change and respond to similar and different challenges. Religions which encourage their followers to think they have the right to impose their virtues on others are dangerous to everyone.

Unionists believe religions should be able to discriminate against anyone they like, as long as it is not a fellow unionist.

Woke people are wary of giving people special permission to discriminate because those people say that is what God wants.

Unionists believe that the market always delivers the best results and governments always deliver the worst results – especially when governments try to curtail corporate power. In general, power based on wealth is not something they get concerned about at all – particularly if those wealthy people support or sponsor them.

Woke people believe the market does not always deliver the best result, and that people who are successful in the market tend to buy political power, so the country is ruled by the wealth elites for their own interest. On the other hand, the only thing which is remotely as powerful as the corporate sector is the government, so people should work to take back the government, and try to balance things out.

Unionists believe wealthy people deserve to pay less proportionate tax than poorer people.

Woke tend to believe that wealthy people can afford to pay more to benefit the society they use and benefit from.

Unionists believe that the only corporations and wealth elites who can be bad are recent: IT for example.

Woke people believe all corporations and wealth elites can be bad, some can be ok, and some can be mixed, but none of them should hold vast amounts more of power than anyone else.

Unionists claim the crimes of business leading to wealth stratification never happened or happened too long ago to matter.

Woke claim that crime matters whenever it happened, even if it did lead to current hierarchies.

Unionists seem to believe that any science which suggests some established corporate behaviour is harmful – such as the science of pollution, ecological destruction, climate change etc – must always be wrong.

Woke think the science is more likely to be right than assertions it can’t be correct because it would hurt the economy.

Unionists claim that any criticism of capitalism as it is, leads to tyrrany.

Woke believe that not criticising capitalism as it is, leads to tyrrany.

Unionists believe that America is a rights based society and that wealthy people on their side have more rights, because they are more talented and virtuous, and can afford to do things.

Woke people believe that America is a rights based society, but many people do not have equal rights, and we should aim to produce equal rights as best we can, even if that means that our own rights to discriminate against the currently less powerful are impaired.

Unionists say they want everyone to be able to succeed through hard work, while trying to make this impossible through reinforcing the wealth hierarchy.

Woke people want everyone to be able to suceed through hard work, and try to make this possible for everyone.

Unionists like authority. They want everyone to agree. They will lie to attain this. These are noble lies that keep everyone together. They don’t critisise the obvious lies on their own side, because those lies are useful to their power.

Woke people think diversity is normal and creative. Different views are likely to help problem solving. Getting as close to the truth as possible is the best aim, as policy is more likely to work.

Unionists will try to steal elections as a matter of course, because they are right and it is impossible that anyone could disagree with them without some kind of conspiratorial, or traitorous, bent. They claim the US is a republic (ie an ‘oligarchy’) and aim to use people to make this even more the case.

Woke people believe elections should be open and free, and that losing is part of democracy. They claim the US is an imperfect democracy and could be improved.

Unionists believe that union comes through everyone being the same, or having the same opinions.

Woke believe that union comes through learning to live with real diversity.

We are faced with the fact Unionists have an obligation to understand American history, rather than impose idology on it. They have an obligation to understand economics and social theory without imposing ideology on it. They have an obligation to understand American cultures. Finally, they have an obligation to learn to live with Americans who are not the same as them.

Given Shapiro’s book, this is not going to happen soon.

Cipolla’s Laws of Stupidity

November 9, 2021

Cipolla’s “Laws of Stupidity” (The Basic Laws of Human Stupidity) are an interesting ‘useful joke’ for anyone who is concerned with information distortion, or the production of disorder. However, I think they can be easily be made more realistic, expanded and personal solutions proposed.

The axes

Cipolla first sets up two graph axes. The first axis ‘measures’ whether an action is harmful or beneficial to the person performing the action. The other axis ‘measures’ whether the action is harmful or beneficial for others. He then puts forward the suggestion that there are four ideal types of behaviour

  • If a person performs an act which is beneficial to themselves but harmful to others, he defines them as a ‘brigand’. I will use the word ‘criminal’ because of problems with English, which I hope will become clear as we progress.
  • If a person performs an act which benefits themselves and others, then they are defined as ‘intelligent’.
  • If a person performs an act that harms themselves and benefits others, he defines them as acting ‘helplessly’.
  • If a person performs an act that harms themselves and others then they are ‘stupid’.

The Problem with Nouns

The problem with nouns is that they tend to imply stability, and suggest a person can be classified in one of these categories forever in everything. Rather strangely he does use the idea that people can behave helplessly. So let us consider a slightly more realistic set of definitions.

  • If, in particular circumstances, a person performs an act which is beneficial to themselves but harmful to others, then they are behaving criminally.
  • If, in particular circumstances, a person performs an act which is beneficial to themselves and others they are acting intelligently.
  • If, in particular circumstances, a person performs an act which harms themselves and benefits others, they are acting helplessly
  • If, in particular circumstances, a person performs an act which harms themselves and others they are acting stupidly.

This makes it clear that otherwise intelligent people can in certain circumstances act stupidly. Which is something we can agree with and is also is part of Cipolla’s second law. The question now becomes in what kind of circumstances will people act in particular ways, psychologically and socially? We may never find a complete answer to that question, but at least we have the capacity to shift from either praise or condemnation, into something which might prove useful to ourselves.

“When do we behave stupidly” not “Damn, you are so stupid”.

The ‘laws of stupidity’ may change a bit as a result, and we may get a few more such ‘laws’ which add to our understanding.

Law 1

Always and inevitably, everyone underestimates the number of stupid individuals in circulation.

The amount of stupid behaviour is huge.

We can change this to: “In any given circumstances the number of people who will behave stupidly is larger than we think.”

This implies the people who behave stupidly in different situations may be different people – those people may behave intelligently, helplessly or criminally in other situations. We cannot assume that stupid people remain consistently stupid – indeed if they behaved in a stupid manner all the time, they might be more noticeable and less dangerous.

Law 2

The probability that a certain person (will) be stupid is independent of any other characteristic of that person.

We can change this to: People who behave stupidly in one set of circumstances may behave in many other ways in different circumstances. “There is no observable behaviour which eliminates the possibility of a person behaving stupidly in some circumstance or other.”

Law 3

A stupid person is a person who causes losses to another person or to a group of persons while himself deriving no gain and even possibly incurring losses.

This is a definition not a law. But it is possibly wrong in implying that people are coherently stupid. Let us replace it with another definition.

Definition: A person is behaving stupidly when they cause losses to another person or group of persons, while themselves deriving no gain or even incurring losses.

Law4

Non-stupid people always underestimate the damaging power of stupid individuals. In particular, non-stupid people constantly forget that at all times and places, and under any circumstances, to deal and/or associate with stupid people always turns out to be a costly mistake.

Let us rephrase this as well: “People always underestimate the damaging power of people behaving stupidly. Dealing with a person who consistently behaves stupidly, or who behaves stupidly in the particular circumstances you are operating under, always turns out to be a costly mistake.

This again helps to remind you that many people are not always stupid, and that a person who does not behave stupidly in most set of circumstances, can behave stupidly in another. It takes art to find out who is stupid, when.

Law 5

A stupid person is the most dangerous type of person.

This is partially a rephrasing of the last ‘law’.

People who often behave stupidly, or who behave stupidly in the circumstances you are in, are dangerous.”

Extra Laws

Given this approach we can also add some extra laws.

Law 6

Even the wisest person is capable of behaving stupidly in the right circumstances.

Non of us are, at all times, immune to behaving stupidly. This could be thought of as a basic ‘psychoanalytic’ statement, pointing towards the unconscious reality: stupidity is not just other people.

Law 7

The more immune we think we are to behaving stupidly, the less chance we have of perceiving our stupid behaviour, or changing it.

This seems almost obviously correct. I have never met a person who I thought was behaving stupidly (as defined by Cipolla), who could see they were behaving stupidly at the time. They tend to be vituperative in their defense, and condemn everyone else for stupidity (or malevolence) rather than themselves. They can usually point to areas of life in which they are not stupid, as evidence they cannot be behaving stupidly now.

‘Causes’

The Causes of people behaving stupidly could be both psychological and sociological. It could be a feedback situation, the more people who behave stupidly the more others are under pressure, and the more likely they are to behave stupidly as well.

It seems probable that people are more likely to behave stupidly, criminally, or helplessly, when they are exhausted, overworked, feel that superiors in the hierarchy are pressing them or not listening to them (bosses, politicians or other rulers), when they have little hope for the future, when they are flustered, neurotic, in fear and so on. Some of these kinds of circumstances will arise because of the interaction of individual response and social factors; we cannot expect everyone to behave the same, simply that more people are likely to behave non-intelligently under pressure.

It is, for example, likely that people, in the Western World, and elsewhere, are feeling exhausted and pressured by work or by the lack of work, they are likely (under neoliberalism) to feel that bosses and politicians are not listening to them but to ‘elites’ (however they define that), they may have little hope for the future due to economic decline, personal debt, job insecurity, or climate change, they may feel the world never leaves them alone, or they may build up anger by participating in polarising information groups online. All of which is likely to narrow their focus, and influence them to behave non-intelligently in some areas of their lives. They also may lack models of intelligent behaviour to emulate.

Solutions

  • Recognise the possibility that you may be behaving non-intelligently in some circumstances.
  • While this may be influenced by others, change starts with yourself.
  • Few ‘normal’ people want to behave stupidly, criminally or helplessly. They want to help and build for themselves and others. They want less pressure.
  • Pause and break the cycle – regularly.
  • Five minutes in every hour, take a break – with no stimulation (No reading, no watching tv or youtube, no gaming, no chatting, no brooding, no problem solving, no web browsing, etc. ).
  • Listen. Accept what is. What you are feeling. Accept your body. Pressing discomfort down can be useful in emergencies. It is not useful all the time. Listen. Look around. ‘Listen’ again. Let ‘images’ arise if they arise.
  • Be honest and kind to yourself. Self compassion is nearly always useful.
  • Relaxing demands, accepting feelings, can lead to solutions arising.
  • This is close to what has been called Dadiri – being open to the world and its patterns.

This may well not solve all your problems (we may need a change of system, which starts with you and your interaction with others), but it will almost certainly help you to behave intelligently in more circumstances – and that might help change the world, so that people are more likely to behave intelligently more often.

Why is climate science political?

November 6, 2021

The Science

‘The science’ is fairly clear. Some, but not all, humans are causing massive environmental damage. One result is climate change, but there are many other harmful effects which are exceedingly likely to have very bad consequences for humans and others.

Part of the reason some humans are causing massive environmental damage is the way they dig for minerals, grow wood, grow food, pollute, catch fish, consume fossil fuels and energy, engage in transport, use concrete, and so on. The way modern industrial society interacts with ‘nature,’ or ecological systems, is harmful to nature and ecological systems and eventually harmful to humans, as humans are part of nature and most depend on nature for food and water.

There is a feedback loop here. Some gases that would be easily ‘recycled,’ such as CO2 by vegetation, get less recycled as forests are cut down and ocean plankton poisoned, so those gasses become more of a problem as we go along, trapping in heat which will desertify much land, produce droughts and storms, and kill large numbers of plants. Other plants may grow more, but probably not enough to make up for the destruction – its complicated.

Society, power and wealth

This harmful interaction of pollution, destruction and climate occurs because of social factors involving cheapness and power. Cheap extraction make higher profits for some people in the short term, it also makes material ‘development’ easier. Modern society, and its hierarchies, were built on fossil fuels. It is contentious as to whether such a society can exist as easily without such cheap and easy sources of energy. However, oil is getting harder to find, and requires more and more energy to extract – tar sands consume lots of energy to process, leaving little left over. Changing fuels will likely change society in unpredictable ways, and thus disturbs those people who benefit from that society and those ‘some people’ who benefit from the destruction.

Another more contentious reason, might be that high status people can indicate their status by their production of pollution (more air travel, bigger energy hungry cars, bigger homes, luxury yachts, more stuff bought from overseas, etc.), and often the pollution and destruction is channeled onto far less wealthy and powerful people, who have little chance of objecting.

Cheap extraction and pollution comes about because laws allow it. The people who benefit from the pollution and destruction, and who become wealthy or otherwise powerful, control the laws to make pollution allowable, or make the penalties trivial in terms of profits. Some of them may even argue that harmful pollution is good for you.

Some ‘do nothingness’ arises because some States are trying to gain parity with the West (economically and militarily) and cheap fossil fuel energy is one known way to do that. They may also feel that the West had over a hundred years of pollution for free, and should allow them to ‘catch up.’

Agitation against fossil fuels arises, because there is no evidence that it has been diminishing naturally over the last 30 years, and so people who worry about climate change also feel they have to use political solutions.

So ecological destructiveness arises through politics and power, and attempts to curtail it through science also requires politics (and probably technological development which cannot be guaranteed).

That science has become political is because of resistance to change from the established wealth polluter elites.

Factionalisation/Polarisation as Politics

However, even if everyone benefitted immediately from lowering destruction and recognized this, people would still have different ideas about how to deal with the problems, just as they have different politics and approaches to life in general. This situation is made worse by political polarisation, so that one side will not listen to anything proposed by the other side, and dismisses it automatically as ‘political’.

Some groups seem to be trying to increase polarisation to prevent discussion about what we should do to solve the problems, to prevent action that might reduce the problems, and sometimes to encourage what look to be fantasy solutions like carbon capture and storage. Some of those groups seem to be funded by people who might think they would loose on profit if the problems were corrected. For example, if we stop burning fossil fuels, that is likely to have an effect on the viability of fossil fuel companies, and their continuing resistance to climate action seems pretty well documented.

Complexity

Another significant cause of problems is that economic, social and ecological systems are all complex systems, and hence difficult to predict in specific, hard to separate from other systems, and have so many interactions that we cannot observe them all, or understand them completely. It can be hard to formulate a policy which is not experimental (i.e. we learn how effective it is by implementing it). If you require simple and dogmatic solutions you may not find them, you certainly will not get agreement on them because of already established differences in beliefs, and the chance of getting agreement is lowered still further by cultivated polarisation.

Conclusion

So there are three main causes of politics about science even when the science is well agreed: 

  • a) natural differences of opinion, probably based on political inclinations, about what to do; 
  • b) the difficulty of completely understanding the systems we are trying to ‘heal’, and of knowing the exact results of actions in advance, and; 
  • c) wealthy and powerful vested interests that don’t want to do anything to threaten their habits and wealth.