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Trip to the Hunter Valley

June 9, 2019

I spent several days last week in the Hunter Valley, visiting various community groups, with colleagues.

I saw that the Hunter is covered with huge coal mines, most of which are hidden from the road by scenic barriers; mounds of earth with trees growing on them, or by metal panels stuck on stilts. It is almost as if the mining companies were not proud of what they were doing, and did not want people to observe it.

I also learnt that open cut coal mines tend to have two, or even three parts. There is the mine pit, which destroys the land it occupies and much of the land around it, and there are the waste mountains which are composed of the rocks and soil covering the coal and separating the coal seams. That also destroys the land it is piled on and around it. The third place is where the finished coal is dumped for transport.

Several of these processes require heavy water use. The coal dust is apparently damped down to keep it from flying around, although excavation through explosives cannot be damped. The coal at the “holding for transport place” is supposed to be damped down, again to stop it from flying about, although we watched for quite a while at one mine without any evidence of this damping happening. The air was heavy with clouds of coal dust. The truly massive trucks involved use lots of diesel which is also polluting, and poisonous to breathe, but they get the tax removed on diesel usage, so its all good.

People who live near mines tell us that coal dust covers everything, and the general suspicion seems to be that coal is not damped down at night. So everyone is breathing coal dust. The mine waste also produces dust. Its dumped from the big trucks and clouds of dust rise up. The ground and trees around the dumps are covered in white/grey powder. The growth is not healthy looking.

Mining companies are supposed to do rehabilitation of the mines. This apparently means filling the pits with water, which then leaches poisons from the coal and sinks into the land taking the poisons with it. The process not only poisons rivers and bore wells but deprives the areas of water flow, on top of the water the mines get to appropriate for their own purposes. I’m not sure why the pits are filled with water, but the obvious suggestion is that it is cheap for the companies. There is some evidence of seedling planting but this mainly on the mounds that are shielding the mines from tourists, or on the sides of the dumps facing the roads. Apparently areas away from vision are largely untouched, although clearly I cannot confirm that. Most of the growth you see covering the sides of the rubble areas looks random, or natural, and very sparse. It is probably at least as unhealthy as the areas covered in the white or grey powder from the dumps.

We did not see many people working the mines or the dumps. The huge trucks, conveyor belts and mining by blowing ground up and using huge digging implements to scoop up the rocks, means few workers are needed. We were also told that most of the workforce is now contracted out, so the workers earn much less than they used to and have no sick or holiday pay or pension funds other than what they put aside out of their diminished pay. The aim of business is nearly always to decrease wages where possible.

People of course fight new mines and mine expansion, because it endangers their health, their communities and the countryside they live in. Mining companies buy up property, but this always comes with a non-disclosure agreement, so people cannot find out what the prices being paid are, and so don’t know what to hold out for; this amounts to suppression of the market for profit. People who protest might find that their houses are not bought while the rest of the village is destroyed. Sometimes companies were told to destroy the houses because the areas was too dangerous or too uninhabitable, but they would rent out the houses instead, further poisoning their workers who rented them.

People who protest can suffer from death threats in the streets from pro-mine people, which the police take seriously, and they can similarly be threatened by government agents although, so far, not with death. Under new laws they can be imprisoned for up to seven years, and if they protest about these laws can be told they are for their safety, as protesting on mines can be dangerous. If the court rejects a mine because of its destruction, then the laws can be changed retrospectively to get that mine through. It also seems to matter who you are in terms of successful protests. So far more mines seem to have been stopped to protect horse studs than farms or villages. As one person said “Horses are more important than people”.

It can sometimes seem like the main reason for the mines going ahead is the pleasure of destruction. In one place where a mine was stopped, the fertile ground, attractive hills and Aboriginal sacred sites were clear. It would have been a loss for very little long term gain.

People have argued that agriculture could make more for the local economy and the State (mining companies pay very little in royalties for our minerals, and generally avoid tax), and that farming would continue a lot longer that mining with fewer health side effects, but even that is not enough to persuade the State not to support miners. One group was told by a government official that “wherever there are resources we will harvest them” – clearly fertile land is not a resource which can be harvested.

We were taken to one site were a well known company had spent considerable amounts of money building gas storage facilities, only to find that the company prospecting for that company had neglected to inform them that the plain flooded regularly, and that the ground was so honeycombed that any gas bored out would leak into the air. The Government office relied entirely on documents provided by the company to do the approval and did not know about either point. They did no further research.

Some people alleged the government and its committees had been stacked with people from the fossil fuel industry or chosen by that industry, so there was no possible objections to the conduct of the industry or what it could destroy. This appears standard throughout most of the capitalist world.

Quite a number of people suggested that the process was so biased towards the mining industry that there was no point engaging with the State, actions had to be taken outside it to have any effect. However, there is no doubt the courts can be useful, if the situation is aligned, and pro-mining evidence can be shown to be wrong. Ultimately gains are precarious, but it seems necessary to participate.

One group was trying to get people to think about the future of the Hunter beyond coal. They were told by a representative of the industry that diversification was suicide. The stupidity of this statement, if reported correctly, is unbelievable. Focusing on one industry is a recipe for disaster. All eco-systems including economies, benefit from diversity.

There was only a little talk about renewable energy. Although some people suggested that the coal heaps could be covered in solar, as they were not fit for anything else.

All the people we met were inspirations. We need to join with them to preserve the earth from destruction for profit and from joy of destruction.

Another way Capitalism ‘works’

June 9, 2019

One of the ways Capitalism works:

Step 1: Destroy or poison something, because it helps make a profit.

Step 2: Sell people what they used to have before it was destroyed, and make a profit.

Step 3: Say “how great is this?”

Capitalism could love climate change, because there is now so much to repair and replace. You can sell people air pollution filters, oxygen tanks, reforestation, bottled water, water filters and desalination plants, rehabilitation of destroyed reefs and artificial fish stocks, flood walls, geo-engineering projects to lower temperature rises, and machines to remove CO2 from the air. You might invent things that remove plastics from food. You boost production of medical treatment due to anti-biotic resistant bacteria generated by farming practices and so on.

The GDP should go up like anything.

Neoliberalism, the State and economic crashes

June 9, 2019

The Question

Can repeated economic crashes and collapse disprove Neoliberal positions for neoliberals?

What are neoliberals?

‘Neoliberal’ is the name given by their opponents to a collection of people and economists (Mises, Hayek, Friedman are the traditional core) who support domination by corporate capitalists, through talk of free markets and through imposition of an unrestrained capitalist state (paradoxically often by supporting the idea of a small State or a demolished State). Neoliberalism seems primarily about re-regulating markets to preserve and increase corporate domination. Some neoliberals may propose a more humanistic corporate domination, while others may propose a more total form of that domination.

โ€˜Neoliberalโ€™ is not a neat category, it is defined by function rather than by ideology. Democrats and Republicans, Coalition and Labor[1] can be called neoliberal, depending on their level of support for capitalist plutocracy. That few people call themselves ‘neoliberal’ does not mean the term describes nothing. The term sums up the political dynamics of corporate dominance and the ideology of its supporters.

An answer

Repeated economic crashes and collapses cannot prove neoliberalism wrong, because the official pro-free market position is that capitalism can never be harmful, never produce unintended consequences, and never fail. Failure must, as a consequence, always be explained by something supposedly outside capitalism, or outside the “free market”, such as the State, or by any attempts by workers to soften the effects of capitalism, or diminish capitalist exploitation.

Some followers of ‘Austrian economics’ (Mises, Rothbard etc.), have argued to me that the superiority of free market capitalism can be deduced from obviously real/true axioms, and that no empirical check is ever necessary as the superiority and naturalness of capitalism becomes intrinsically obvious and only denied by the willfully stupid. This position also helps people to ignore failures or to explain them as being caused by the political obstruction of perfect free markets.

However, a theory which tells you some process of organisation is always the best, cannot fail and is only disrupted by ‘others’ is pretty clearly ideological. When Communists say communism does not display its full democratic glory only because of the actions of paid capitalist subversives, this ideological factor becomes clear to most people.

Capitalism as the State

Perfect capitalist non-State based free markets, as promoted by neoliberals, have never existed, because the State is part of the capitalist system. There is no known species of capitalism which does not have a State to protect capitalist forms of private property, capitalist types of market, extreme inequalities of wealth, and capitalist power. States have, largely through violence, also helped the establishment of capitalism through dispossessing people from their land and helping to stop people from being self-supporting so they have to become wage labourers and dependent on wage-payers.

In Capitalism, wealth not only becomes the primary token of virtue but it allows its possessors, as a class, to buy politicians, buy the State, buy the laws, buy the violence, buy the religions, buy the education, buy the media and buy public information generally (nearly all media is owned by corporations, and the media that is not corporately owned is constantly threatened). Through information control, PR, media and advertising, pro-capitalism becomes a form of “common-sense”.

Consequently, wherever there are successful capitalists, they attempt to take over the State (even if it was previously non-capitalist), or establish a State, to help protect themselves and regulate markets to benefit the corporate elites and discipline workers. Unrestrained capitalists always produce a capitalist State. The big contribution of Neoliberalism to this takeover has been to try and obscure the connection between business and the State, so as to shift blame away from capitalism.

In the neoliberal capitalist State, the idea of “free markets” is used to argue that the corporate sector must not be inhibited in any way, or by anything such as worker’s rights, as these disrupt the workings and perfection of a (non-existent) free market. Observation will show you that supposed libertarians will almost always vocally and hostilely oppose anything that could benefit workers, or give them some liberty from business control, and largely ignore regulations or subsidies that support the corporate sector. Neoliberal ‘liberty’ is always about the liberty of those with resources, although neoliberals usually do not say this as they would lose popular support.

Unrestrained capitalism always produces plutocracy. Hence it tends to be heavily promoted and supported by the rich. Capitalism almost always ends up undermining the liberty that it claims to promote.

The conditions we observe today of corporate domination, curtailed liberty, incoherent policy, an unresponsive State that people feel separated from, stagnant or declining wages and conditions, and massive environmental destruction, are probably what we could expect from the pro “free market” talk that we have been bombarded with over the last 40 years. Capitalism without regulation is, in reality, a contradiction in terms; an impossibility, or a joke.

[There are occasions in which other classes, or wild parties, can gain partial control over the State, but they generally end up protecting some corporations; we don’t have to assume the wealthy are always unified, although they will probably tend to support their class in general.]

The State and economic failure

Because there is no capitalism without a State, and neoliberal capitalism pretends it is different from the State it controls, neoliberals can always blame the State, and its unsuccessful attempts to prop up industries and finance, for any economic collapse or the hardship that anyone suffers to lower the costs of business (like mutilation and injury at work, wages too low to live on, no health care, heavy pollution, etc.).

Capitalists can also point to the failure of Communist States to prove capitalism is the best system going. This is hardly logical, as the failure of Communist States could equally be evidence of the wonderful success of Byzantine forms of State organisation. Neoliberal apologists then appear to confuse post-world-war II mixed economies and Nordic Socialism with communism, rather than seeing them as States where people had some participatory role in controlling their lives. This becomes part of the capitalist common sense, promoted by capitalist media.

These ideological non-falsifiable positions make it harder to restrain economic collapse, or even to observe how businesses generate collapse through the ways they pursue profit, organize themselves, pursue internal and external corruption, distort information for economic purposes, or use the State to keep themselves going.

The Neoliberal ‘Small State’

Neoliberals claim that because the State is always to blame, rather than business no matter how corrupt or stupid, it must be diminished. However, their ways of making the State small, always end up (possibly unintentionally) being about diminishing the power of ordinary people to oppose corporate domination. This is one reason why the State constantly expands while being controlled by people who talk about making the State small. They cut back social insurance, medical assistance, pensions, anti-pollution controls, working conditions, health regulations at work, etc., while massively expanding the military (subsidies to arms manufacturers etc.), using expensive private contracting, subsidizing already wealthy private schools, boosting tax concessions for wealthy people, extensively policing the workers or poor people heavily while giving liberty to the rich to rip people off, and so on. Again this is because actions by the working or middle classes that might curtail, or seriously challenge, corporate power are said to interfere with the completely fictitious and beneficial โ€œfree marketโ€. [2]

Neoliberalism opposes any efforts to constrain the generation of climate change and its growing effects on the middle and lower classes, because that would interfere with the free market and the power of some corporations and wealthy individuals. If people die from bad health care or corporately generated disaster, that is their fault for not being wealthy enough to avoid it.

With neoliberal small State policies, the State usually becomes much more oppressive and useless for most people, and many can be persuaded to support making the State even ‘smaller’ and less useful to them.

Concluding Remarks

Neoliberals can be distinguished from anarchists, because anarchists recognise that corporate capitalism involves concentrated power, and they challenge that power.[3] Neoliberals can also be distinguished from real conservatives who recognize that capitalism often destroys tradition and virtue for profit.

Neoliberalism is an ideology of transcendent value imposed by money, experts and capitalist hangers-on with no regard for empirical reality, or attention to the ways capitalism is dysfunctional. It is, at best, a set of good intentions which produces harsh consequences for most people. It is designed to help its followers avoid noticing the ill effects of capitalism, and so cannot be disproved by those ill-effects.

NOTES

[1] The supposedly left wing Labor Party introduced neoliberal policies to Australia by floating the currency, privatising State-owned institutions, removing tariffs and so on, with many ‘humanistic’ qualities such as working public health, good social services, and a wages accord between unions and business. It has proven very easy to dissolve this humanistic framework in favour of corporate dominance. Support for ordinary people seems incompatible with neoliberalism; such support must be attacked. It has been argued that the neoliberal military coup in Chile demonstrates that neoliberalism is, however, completely compatible with dictatorship, violence and terror.

[2] Given that ideas about the free market function entirely to justify corporate dominance, then if the dominance of particular factions is better served by imposing tariffs, controlling prices, inhibiting competition, or providing taxpayer subsidies then this can be done. Sometimes this is done at the same time as praising free markets.

[3] It should be noted that plenty of trade and exchange has occurred without a State, but these systems are not capitalist. If you want learn how to establish a โ€˜marketโ€™ without a State, then you need to read some anthropology.

HT Odum on Energy, Ecology and Economics

June 3, 2019

Howard T. Odum was one of the earliest people to tie economics together with energy and ecology, so it is worthwhile giving a brief outline of some of his thought. As Odum develops his thought, the ideas seem to get a little overcomplicated, so this is only a basic account which seems enough to be useful for understanding our current situation and highlighting its problems. More detail may follow later.

Ramage & Shipp (Systems Thinkers) describe his underlying theme as follows:

The central method for Odum in understanding the behaviour of an ecosystem at any scale was to follow its energy flows: the way in which energy was transferred and transformed from one part of the system to another.

Odum also wanted to develop principles which applied to any ‘ecosystem’ from the ‘individual’ to the world.

I’m not sure what Odum’s definition of energy is, as I cannot find one at this moment, but let us assume energy is the ability to do work, move particles (produce heat) or to build organisation, structure or what is sometimes called ‘negative entropy’. We can use the Jancovici definition of energy as produced by, or allowing changes in, the world/system, or as being the engine of transformation. A constant stream of fresh available energy is needed to maintain any system’s functioning.

Paying attention to the ‘laws’ of thermodynamics, Odum notes that there is always a loss (or more accurately ‘dispersal’, or ‘degrading’) of energy; this is known as ‘entropy.’ There is always a difference between usable, or available, energy and the total energy expended to produce, transport and concentrate that available energy. The usable energy is generally less than the total energy expended, through the system.

For example, the energy used by motor transport is not just the energy used by the automobiles to move around, but the energy used in manufacturing the cars; building the roads and bridges and petrol infrastructure; transporting petrol; maintaining roads and cars etc. Energy is constantly dispersed, or lost as heat, in these processes, and the energy required to maintain the whole traffic system is much greater than just the sum of petrol burnt to power cars.

The amount of available, or net, energy to a society, organism or ecological system, determines the limits of what may be done. For Humans, real wealth, or prosperity, is ultimately limited by geophysical, ecological and energetic processes.

Odum argued as far back as 1974 that humans were using more and more of our available fossil fuel energy to generate new fossil fuels or other energy sources, thus lowering socially available energy as a percentage of energy use. This was presumably overcome through using up energy sources more rapidly.

Most business predictions about future available energy are based on the gross (total) energy of the source and not the available energy. This relationship between energy consumed to make energy available (what other people call Energy Return on Energy Input) can be excessive and Odum argued that shale oil, for instance, would never yield more energy than was used to extract it. This does not mean that people cannot structure the market to make profit from shale oil in the short term, but it is ultimately a non-constructive use of energy and will cause collapse somewhere in the system.

Odum suggests that social systems will succeed and dominate, the more they can “maximize their useful total power from all sources and flexibly distribute this power toward needs affecting survival”. When it is possible to expand inflow of available energy into a society, then survival can be helped by rapid growth or expansion allowing that society or organism to take over a domain, even if there is a large amount of energy (and other) wastage.

This spread or domination often involves using energy before others can use it; or ‘stealing’ energy from others and the future. The expanding system is heavily competitive (perhaps internally as well as externally). The more energy a system steals from others, the more likely its expansive phase will be short, as it is probably destroying its ecological base.

In general, if a society, or organism, consumes all of the resources it requires for survival, then it must change, diminish or die out.

Furthermore, if the energy expended by a society (especially one with decreasing available energy) does not help support energy collection and concentration, or social replication and general equilibrium processes, then the system is also likely to become vulnerable to collapse.

When energy inflows are limited or declining then successful systems (or parts of systems) are more likely to use the available energy to build relatively co-operative, stable, long-lasting, high diversity, equilibrium states. These societies are more oriented towards maintaining energy inputs without increasing energy expenditure to do so. In this case, previously marginal lifeforms or societies, using energy sources that are neglected by the dominant form, may continue after the dominant form has burnt itself out.

Odum seems primarily interested in the dominant systems using maximum power and then changing, rather than in evolution on the margins. He also seems to assume steady states (equilibriums) are what ‘nature’ seeks, rather than that all systems change and risk disequilibrium. His thesis was largely developed before Chaos and complexity theory, and assumes that all systems develop maximal use of energy: “systems organize and structure themselves naturally to maximize power [energy use]”. However he notes that “energies which are converted too rapidly into heat are not made available to the systems own use because they are not fed back through storages into useful pumping, but instead do random stirring of the environment.” This could be destabilising.

He suggests that modern economics developed during an extremely high expansion era, and economists are generally not even aware of the possibility of relatively steady, low growth, societies. Most of our other institutions and understandings are also based upon, and demand, expansion. These institutions and ideas will be challenged and stressed by lower energy availability and may actively sabotage attempts at change.

However, most of human existence has occurred in relatively low expansion societies, so such societies are not impossible.

Furthermore, as most economists take expansion as natural (living in societies of high energy availability), they assume expansion of energy is also natural or easy. They tend to oppose ideas which suggest contraction or conservation are healthy phases, and tend not to notice how new post-fossil-fuel, energy sources (e.g. nuclear and solar) often depend on a kind of subsidy through fossil fuel use. These new energy sources become less useful, less easy to build and less profitable when that energy subsidy is removed.

[M]ost technological innovations are really diversions of cheap energy into hidden subsidies in the form of fancy, energy-expensive structures.

It is even possible that the successes in expanding agriculture in the last 100 years does not primarily come from improvements in agricultural knowledge and practice, but from burning lots of fossil fuels, so that we invest far more energy into food than we get out of it. People now eat “potatoes partly made of oil.” The expansion of fish catch has come from massively increased tonnage of ships, massive increase in the energy expended in the building of them and powering them. With the decline of fish populations, even more energy may be required to carry on getting a profitable fish catch, until the fish are gone, and the fishing system collapses.

Changing social energy sources to renewables takes massive energy expenditure (and probable ecological destruction) to make the factories, gather resources, build the equipment, fuel the transport etc. That does not mean it is completely impossible to slowly organise the manufacture of renewables entirely through renewable energy, but that it won’t occur without considerable planning and enforcement, and it may not happen in time to prevent disastrous climate change.

It may be the case that there there are no new sources of low energy input, and low polluting, energy becoming available. For example, fusion is still a fantasy.

The energy available to contemporary society, and hence the amount of work/organisation and effective activity that can be done, may well be running down. Consequently economic expansion is slowing. Quite a number of people argue that the period of real growth in the West ended in the 1970s or even earlier.

It could be that current appearances of expansion are largely being funded by the attempt to use easy currency availability as energy, through low interest debt and through syphoning wealth up the hierarchy. But this ‘simulation’ of available energy cannot continue forever, without new sources of energy availability. Some of the global expansion may be happening because developing countries are using energy to generate growth, from a low basis, as happened earlier in the west.

The question arises that if we are now beginning an era of declining global energy availability, how should we best spend the energy remaining? Sixty years ago we possibly could have used the energy to build a renewable system, that may now be more difficult, because of the decline in availability.

Societies also receive an energy subsidy which comes from the natural workings of ecologies such as the flows of sun, wind, waters, waves, etc. Another method of achieving apparent growth could arise through accelerated destruction of the world ecology (consuming it without replacement) which will have fierce consequences as life supports are destroyed, and need to be repaired (requiring large amounts of energy if possible).

An economy, to compete and survive, must maximize its use of these [ecological] energies, [while] not destroying their enormous free subsidies. The necessity of environmental inputs is often not realized until they are displaced.

Our current societies are tending to destroy these subsidies, or remove vital parts of the system (such as water) and replace the ecosystem workings (if replaced at all) by high energy expenditure technologies, which become vulnerable to energy decline. A society which is aiming for relative equilibrium may need to make sure it helps its natural ecology to increase its own replication and equilibrium capacity.

After this discussion it should seem obvious that the energy used to give us energy availability includes the works of the sun, ecologies, humans and technologies. A lot of this energy availability comes without human work, and the more human activity destroys this ‘free energy’ the more expensive energy production becomes.

High availability of energy allows the building of complicated structures, greater resilience against natural fluctuations and threats, and allows greater concentrations of people and built organisation. Cities, for example, depend on cheap energy for building concentrated structures and for bringing in food. With fossil fuels, cities have increased in size as food can be brought in from far away and local lands do not have to support the population. Loss of energy availability, may mean cities collapse.

High energy availability also gives greater capacity for expansion. High energy availability human societies are usually military threats to lower energy availability societies – hence the pressure for everyone to increase energy availability for defense. Attempts to maintain growth seem to be a matter of maintaining, or obtaining, dominance at the expense of a functioning eco-system. In times of energy scarcity, militarily active societies may burn themselves out, putting energy into expansion rather than conservation, or they may put increasing amounts of energy into maintaining the power and lifestyles of the already wealthy and powerful. This may postpone apparent system breakdown, but it will only increase the problems and collapse will more likely be hard to control.

In the contemporary world, those countries which have only recently embarked upon the growth/expansion process, may be starting it at a time when it would be better to support or improve their former economic and energy flow patterns, if they wish to survive.

Countries which save energy now are more likely to survive, and they will have functioning energy resources in the future. Countries which attempt to solve their energy problems through warfare at a distance will probably expend more energy than they can recover.

With the decline in available energy human labour will become more important. Without some degree of social change in attitudes to labour, this seems likely to involve the creation of an under class or even slavery (although Odum does not argue this). Information storage, processing and availability may well decline, as that consumes a lot of energy. Information (because of the second law) tends to disperse, depreciate, and develop error, and it requires ongoing energy usage to preserve unchanged or develop, although it may require less energy to replicate than to generate anew.

The contemporary world is caught in the paradox of needing energy to continue with its patterns of development and expansions, but the only energy and economic processes which can power this, are destructive of the ecosystem at large and of the capacity of these societies to continue. The only way non-catastrophic way forward is to find some way in which general economic expansion can be curtailed, ecologies supported, and energy usage reduced.

Denying consensus

May 27, 2019

There was comment on the Guardian site recently which shows at least some of the problems with the Left.

It ran something like:

Three really good reasons to deny the science of climate change:

  • 1. Ignorance
  • 2. Stupidity
  • 3. Insanity
  • This formulation tells us nothing. It offers no strategy for persuasion or action. Perhaps, it makes the writer feel better, and heavens we all need to feel better, but it succeeds in making the likelihood of communication and problem solving even less, by name-calling and making barriers and reactions. It puts people who disagree with the speaker(and even some others who might be friendly to those speakers) into dismissible social categories and prevents people from hearing each other.

    It creates problems, it does not diminish them.

    Let’s look at some other reasons people might have for not being active, which are slightly less closed.

  • Fear. People don’t want to think about climate change, because there are no obvious things they can do. It threatens their children and grandchildren, and that is not easy to face. If correct it could be terrifying. Yet we have lived with the threat of nuclear war, population increases and so on, and so far everything is all ok. I spent my youth terrified and nothing happened. Maybe this will be ok, as well?
  • Lack of fear. Everything is in the hands of God. The world is too big to hurt. How is this tiny amount of a perfectly normal gas I breathe out every day going to massively disrupt the whole Earth? It doesn’t make sense. Humans are insignificant in the scheme of things. I cannot change what will be.
  • Sense of probable loss. Loss is painful, and over the last 40 years we have lost out over and over. The promises we were given have not eventuated. You guys trying to stop climate change could take even more away from me and my family. This is another loss. Let’s hope it is as unreal as the promises we were given.
  • Uncertainty as to whether remedies will work. Do we have any guarantees these remedies will work? No? In reality we don’t. It may even now be too late, and plenty of people assure us the costs are way to great to take action without certainty. What are you asking that we should give up again? Why is it always us that are giving up our prospects?
  • Uncertainty about change. Futures are not predictable any more. Who could have guessed this would be happening? Who would guess contemporary technology? Polls are always wrong. Guesses at the future are just guesses, and you are probably using your guesses to gain power over me, and persuade me to act against my interests, like everyone else. Why should I trust you?
  • Experts are often wrong. This is obvious. All of you promised that “free markets” would deliver liberty and prosperity but they haven’t. Even vaguely. They said war in the Middle East would be easy and successful, but its been a total mess, hurt lots of people, and made things worse. Even doctors change their minds every five minutes about what is good or bad for us. They promise cures that never come. These experts are just con-artists without common sense. Everyone makes mistakes you know.
  • Life is overwhelming. I have to make too many decisions. I have pressures from work all the time. My wages and conditions are being cut. I never get any holidays. My boss is a total dickhead. My company is corrupt. I’m not feeling well. My spouse is unhappy. I’m one or two pay days away from family disaster. My kids are acting weird, and I don’t know what to do to help. I’ve too much on my mind. Go away… I don’t need this climate bullshit.
  • Immediate pressures. [Pointed out by Alice Suttie] I have to provide for people around me today. I have to deal with real problems now, not decades, or even just years, in the future. My mother is really sick, I have debt collectors at the door, the electricity may be going to be cut off. I’m busy. I don’t have time to worry about irrelevancies. If you can’t help me now, or propose policies that help me now, then trouble someone else will you?
  • You people are just rude. You obviously don’t understand me. You are obviously not going to listen to me. Why should I listen to you? You are up yourselves, you f+@in alarmist morons
  • There is almost certainly more that could be said here. The advantage of some of these formulations is that the speakers are seen as relatively rational (as people are). We are not dealing with stupidity or insanity which cannot be altered. The statements are largely based on real remarks I have read from people. They are specific, not catastrophizing, not foreclosing of all solutions, like ‘madness’ is. They suggest that some of the problems might be generated by the activist approach, so the approach may need to change. They also suggest that there are specific questions and dialogues which need to be opened and pursued, and that people might be persuadable.

    Now these dialogues may not be easy. They may involved being abused. But the possibility of dialogue and failure also suggests the possibility of learning something new together.

    And that might get somewhere. At least further than thinking the opposition is ignorant, stupid or mad.

    Conservatives and the Left vs the Right

    May 26, 2019

    This post makes use of the political triad (Right, Conservative, Left) proposed in a previous post.

    What seems clear is, that over the last 40 years of the Pro-Corporate Right (and its talk of ‘markets’) being dominant, ‘ordinary people’ have been marginalised from political and economic processes. Median wages have stagnated, share of wealth has declined, housing has become largely unaffordable, social services have become persecutory, developers can over-ride locals with impunity, people’s objections are largely ignored, and so on. Yet we are all are surrounded by displays of great wealth and squander. Over these last 40 years, the Right has engineered massive change to benefit the wealthy, to break any ties of obligation the wealthy have to any other portion of society, and to break any checks and balances the system had developed. They have succeeded in that aim, to a greater degree than they probably thought possible, yet they appear to want to continue that path until the end of the world.

    Both Conservatives and the Left are unhappy with this result. However, rather than blame their own attempts at allying with the power of the Right, they both blame the other.

    Conservatives wonder why minorities are supposed to get priority when white workers are loosing out, and the Left saying “white privilege”, while true, is not an answer; everyone should feel they are advancing together. They will never feel that under the Right, because, to the Right, wages are a cost and ordinary people are a potential obstruction; both should be eliminated no matter what hardships that brings. Today, hard working people can hold two jobs and still only just support their families. The current system is failing everyone.

    Conservatives are suspicious about climate change as, so far, all the big changes put forward by the Right have not benefitted any ordinary people. It is reasonable to suspect that if climate change is dealt with in the normal way, it will hurt people yet again – that is how things work nowadays. If the left makes dealing with climate, a matter of capitalism as usual, then this is probably going to be true. If they make it a matter of challenging capitalism, then they also face problems of gaining support as it is unclear how change will be carried out.

    Conservatives generally fear that if they break with their support of the Right, then they will completely loose influence, or they try and convince themselves that they will eventually win over the Right, but all that happens is that they become corrupt and throw conservation aside. They may need to remember that there is no compromise between God and Mammon. Wealth is not ‘the good’.

    The Left tends to blame the supposed stupidity, racism and small mindedness of Conservatives for their failure. The apparent inability of Labor to analyse its failings in the last election, and the number of Labor supporters apparently blaming the Greens is extraordinary. The Greens did not lose Labor’s election, Labor did.

    But again, this ‘stupid’ attack on Conservatives misses the reality, that ordinary people are resentful of their decline in power, income and position, and are suspicious of grand plans and experts who have harmed them (remember all those experts who said free markets would benefit everyone?). That the Left also attempted to ally with the Right, does not help here. As is the case with conservatives, the alliance only ends in corruption, and support for plutocracy not democracy. The whole point of Left existence is lost.

    I’m not denying that Conservatives and the Left have real disagreements, what I am suggesting is that those disagreements are not more severe than the disagreements they both have with the Right. The Right is good at lying, making false promises, and running the other two sides against each other, so distrust is easily stirred. However, if either Conservatives or the Left wish to survive, then they have to ally with each other. There is no future for either of them if they don’t – at best we will get more of the same. However, 40 years of Right dominance, show that it is much more likely that things will get far worse for the rest of us if we allow things to continue as they are. There is no chance anything will spontaneously recover.

    Climate justice is not the answer

    May 26, 2019

    Climate justice is a framework that is commonly used to conduct political campaigns for reform which are trying to help people adapt to, and mitigate, climate change.

    The problem for me, is that the framing is not clear, and that I suspect it is not constructive.

    Firstly, it appears that nearly all contemporary refusals to act on the ecological crisis depend on ‘justice’ or ‘fairness’ arguments.

    For example, people often say that Australia issues just over 1% of all emissions, therefore we have negligible effect on the world and it is not ‘just’ nor fair to ask us to do anything. People can also say this will put up the cost of electricity, cause social processes to collapse and so on. why should ordinary Australians pay all the cost? Sure we can answer that Australia has much less than 1% of the world’s population, that it has a very high emissions rate per head, and that it exports lots of fossil fuels which are not counted in this total, but the argument can still stand: it’s not ‘just’ to act, especially given the bad consequences of action are not known in detail.

    People in India and China, or other developing countries can argue that while it is true their emissions are likely to tilt the globe over the edge, it is ‘just’ to let them continue. The West had years of unconstrained growth, so should the developing nations so they can catch up. Attempts to stop them from polluting are evidently attempts to stop poverty reduction, and attempts by the West to maintain their world domination. Allowing this pollution is a matter of justice. The West should cut back to zero first, otherwise it is unfair.

    Given that China and India are not cutting back, then people can argue that the US should not cut back, because where is the justice or fairness in crippling their economy and hurting their people, to allow others to pollute massively?

    ‘Justice’ means finding someone to blame, and people will reject the blame when it hits them: “we are not criminal, we are just acting as we have always done. Other people are worse than us.” People will usually deny there is a problem long before they will admit that they are the problem, and so it delays their action even further if they think they might actually be behaving badly, and others they don’t like disapprove.

    Justice, as it is normally practiced, depends on a system of violence. People who are ‘convicted’ are forced to accept punishment, and there is enough respect for the violence deployed that sympathetic people will not actively object to the sentence. There is no ideal to justice that does not depend on this kind of violence. There is no international violence that is respected in that way. If Country x is convicted of climate injustice by other countries, then we have no way of enforcing the decision except for war, or possibly trade sanctions, but given history, it is unlikely that either will work, and they will disrupt the apparent virtue of the justice format.

    In other words, justice does not motivate people to act, leads to people providing excuses for not acting, and for waiting until others act and acting becomes fair. It primarily implies a rhetoric for keeping things as they are and very few countries do anything.

    Wanting a purely ‘equitable’ and ‘just’ situation to arise will take for ever. It is a mode of exchange which does not work while people do not trust each other.

    However, there are other ways of proceeding.

    It might be better to agitate for “Climate Generosity”. This is the idea that we give to others, we act without waiting for fairness, we act because it is the way we do things to get things done.

    This is pretty standard human behaviour. Parents give to children without demanding equal return immediately. People in many societies give generously to others in order to persuade the others to give in return. Sometimes the deal does not work; sometimes no obligation is built up, sometimes people break the deal, but mostly it works and works well.

    In seeing others acting, people come to think they can act themselves. Generosity is usually defined as good, hence people may tend to emulate those being generous, and add to the climate gifts that are becoming available and solving the problem.

    Yes some people will attempt to take advantage of generosity, but if you are in a generous frame of mind this does not stop you, or bother you that much – things are happening. You might give more carefully in future, but you keep giving, keep getting the emulation, keep getting the status, and keep getting the results you are aiming for.

    With justice you have to wait for a framework for justice, but with generosity you just go out and do what you need to fulfil the aim. If you give solar panels or wind turbines, nobody loses, everybody benefits including yourself. The idea we don’t need harmful pollution to live becomes more common and acceptable, and eventually it seems odd not to support it.

    Climate justice digs a pit, climate generosity builds a way out.

    Three forms of contemporary politics?

    May 26, 2019

    The Triad

    It could be useful to think of contemporary Australian, and probably US, politics in terms of a triad:

    (Currently Pro-corporate) Right
    Cultural Conservative
    Democratic Left.

    Using a triad rather than a set of binaries helps us to avoid seeing these factions as opposites. They all share things with each other, can move from one position to another, and ally with one another.

    political circle 02

    In brief:

    The (pro-corporate) Right support established wealth and power. They consider that the powerful are virtuous, and justified in that power, by virtue of that power and wealth. Given that the main contemporary power resides in the corporate sector they tend to support that sector and its justification within so-called ‘free markets.

    Cultural conservatives support what they see as traditional culture, and traditional power relations.

    The Democratic left supports ‘the people’, against entrenched power and entrenched ‘irrational’ culture. They tend to see themselves as the supreme judges of what is entrenched.

    In more detail:

    The Right tends to attack the rights, incomes and conditions of ordinary people in order to support established power and hierarchy.

    Power must be maintained, and society geared towards providing the best conditions for the powerful to do their stuff (whatever that is; make money, use violence, own land, spout theology etc.), as that is supposedly best for everyone. They are anti-democratic at heart.

    They oppose any kind of benefits for the poor, which are not a form of charity which requires genuflection towards the rich, or other elite, and hence reinforces the power system. To them mutual obligation means the obligation of the poor not to accept help that costs the elite anything, or for the poor not to challenge the elites.

    They also oppose to any traditional culture or set of values, which acts to restrain the power they support which, as stated above, in our society is the corporate sector.

    They encourage culture wars to maintain separation between conservatives and the left, and use conservative respect for established power to persuade conservatives that they are both on the same side.

    If contemporary rightists have a religion it tends to assume that wealth is God’s reward for virtue and faith, and that a person’s prime responsibility is for their own salvation and then, perhaps, their family’s.

    The main problem the right face is that they know they are right. They think all information is PR and you make it correct by PR, will and effort, or sleight of hand. They are extremely good at sales and marketing in an economic system in which false advertising and hype is normal. They tend to think any counter evidence is evidence of bias, and must also be made up. The problem for them is that eventually reality cannot be denied, and bites everyone, including them.

    Conservatives tend to be suspicious of innovation.

    Nowadays, living in corporate capitalism, innovation occurs all the time, destroying traditional culture and place, so life is difficult for them.

    Capitalism also tends to reduce all value and virtue to money. This often seems fundamentally wrong to conservatives.

    While tending to support single authorities, conservatives can also like a balance of social powers to act as restraints. Thus they can support professional organisations, teaching organisation, religious organisations, business organisations, military organisations and conservation organisations having input into government. Whoever is the ‘King’ should have loyal and fearless advisers.

    They also tend to think that power involves responsibility towards both the established rules and laws of government and to the ruled. The rulers should cultivate noblisse oblige, protection for the ruled, charity, justice and so on. Ideally while everyone should know their place, there should be mutual respect. Mutual obligation is not one sided.

    Religion is often considered vitally important in cultivating virtue, generosity, judgement, content with one’s place and is supposed to act as a restraint on human selfishness.

    Cultural conservatives tend to like traditional boundaries for gender, profession, task and so on, especially when tied into religion.

    They often consider that traditional culture carries a wisdom, which cannot be easily summarised intellectually, and that breaking traditional culture and its mores carries unsuspected dangers. This can lead them to support functional ignorance, as new knowledge might be dangerously mistaken.

    They are strongly suspicious of people for being different, and can team up to put down any difference, thus limiting a culture’s range of potentially constructive responses. This is a weakness.

    Another weakness is thinking that by allying with established corporate power, primarily against the left, they are defending cultural wisdom against difference, and that this gives them real power. In other words they often think that established power must inherently be virtuous and conservative. What they eventually discover is that if they get in the way of money making, or whatever the right’s hype of the moment is, then they will be over-ridden completely.

    More on conservative philosophy here

    The Democratic Left tends to be suspicious of everything that oppresses, or could oppress, people and which only has backing in tradition or raw power. They tend to think that what seems like arbitrary power and culture should be destroyed.

    For them ordinary people are as wise as anyone else and should be supported in their efforts to better themselves. People should not be ignored or suffer simply because they are poor or outcast – this is unjust.

    The problem for the left is that revolutionary leftists, if the revolution succeeds, become the new rightists. They support the new forms of established power and run roughshod over those who oppose them.

    On the other hand, moderate leftists tend to accommodate to the power of the right, and thus end up cautiously supporting oppression to receive funding. They may also accept established power relations in return for what appears to be the ability to moderate that power. This position can achieve something, but without them encouraging another set of power bases, they cannot hold the achievement. This is clear from Hawke and Keating in Australia, Blair in the UK and Obama in the US.

    Leftists are often conservative; they don’t want to reduce every virtue and value to money, they tend to like balance of powers, and they often support the achievements of the past which have now been swept away by the Right: for example the Menzies idea that social insurance was a right, and that people should not be humiliated or harassed for accepting it, or the idea that workers form a valuable community rather than a disposable resource. They also tend to support environmental conservation and oppose destruction of land and place.

    Their main problem is the tendency to want to overthrow traditional culture rather than improve it. This is one reason, that ‘modern art’ holds so little popular appeal; much of it only rebels. Conservatives are probably correct that culture holds some evolutionary adaptive organisations, but that it may well need to change as circumstances change.

    Leftists are easily persuaded that conservatives support harm for the marginalised, are racist, sexist, superstitious and stupid – which helps drive the culture wars, started by the Right, and which tends to throw them on the mercies of the right.

    Consequences

    The point of all this is to suggest that there is perhaps as much commonality between left and conservatives as there is between conservatives and the right, or the right and the left. There is room to be flexible. However allying with the right is likely to prove disastrous for the other two sides, partly because the right has no respect for reality, only wealth. Both the left and conservatives have weaknesses which sabotage them, but which have a chance of being corrected by the other.

    Historically it could be argued that the successful 19th and early 20th century reform movements, that lead to public education and protection against misfortune for the working class, arose through an alliance through the democratic left and the conservatives both recognizing that unconstrained capitalism was destroying traditional life, interconnections and responsibilities. That this economic system was demeaning the working men and women of the country, and that it was Christian to try and help people live lives which were not full of abject misery and poverty.

    This alliance was largely successful, despite obvious frictions. It is not impossible that a similar movement against the corruption of public life through money and the destruction of land, water and air could motivate another successful alliance.

    The only thing that seems guaranteed, is that if the Right remains dominating, then everything will end badly.

    More reflections here…

    Climate and conversation

    May 22, 2019

    These are a few suggestions based on reading and occasional interaction…
    This is not a research article.

    Lets begin with the don’ts.

    Don’t talk about climate change.
    If people do not “believe” in climate change, you are not going to persuade them otherwise.
    Groups are already polarised on this issue, and it brings up lots of reasons not to talk to each other, suspicions and so on. It becomes a matter of identity and allegiance. You need to go beyond this.

    Don’t go on about the evidence.
    They have rejected the evidence, and you personally are probably not a climate researcher.
    Both of you are taking the evidence to a large extent based on authority.
    They believe a different authority, or think they are “independent thinkers”.

    Some psycho-social research shows that counter-evidence to what people already believe, is rarely compelling and sets up resistance especially when its tied in with identity politics (which seems to be the case on both sides).

    Another obvious point: Talking about people or telling people they are ignorant, stupid or easily conned is harmful to communication. That they already call you similar things does not excuse this. Only do it, if you want to waste your time.

    If you are a politician speaking to a wide audience, then its different. You have to clearly say what you will do and why its not harmful.
    You need to lower fear and scare. And climate change is scary (even if you deny it, the you are probably scared of what those other people might do to stop it).

    For example Bill Shorten, Australian Labor Party leader, could have said, and as far as I can tell did not say:

    “The Adani mine will not bring jobs. In court, talking about the big mine, Adani promised less then 1,500 job *years* of work for people in the mine or as a result of the mine. This is not very many, especially given the project is supposed to last 25 to 30 years. There are 750 two year jobs for example. We will actively compensate for and exceed these few jobs in Central Queensland, with useful projects (names a few).
    “The Adani mine, being open cut, is likely to pollute the Great Artesian Basin and that could damage water supplies and agriculture down large parts of east coast Australia. We cannot risk that loss of jobs, food security and prosperity. If water safety cannot be guaranteed, or we find the CSIRO were pressured to give a particular result, the mine will not go ahead. We will also not support Adani being given unlimited rights to water, this is suicidal given current climatic conditions
    “We want to encourage electric cars, not force people to buy them. As usual the Government is lying.”

    This still will not get your message through the Murdoch Empire. They will lie about you whatever you do, but keep on trying – people don’t have to depend on them.

    What can you do?

    First off.

    Talk and building connection is more important than persuasion.

    You might even learn something if you are not trying to persuade people. They may still try and score points off you, but just keep talking, making some kind of connection. They may even say things you can agree with, and that can build bonds.

    You don’t have to agree with people on everything to like them, or talk to them. This idea is quite radical in itself in our society ๐Ÿ™‚ It is also a lot easier to say, than to do. Our society does not encourage discussion, it encourages telling people each other where they are wrong (This is a “think about doing what i say, not what i do” post ๐Ÿ™‚

    Face to face is probably better.
    You can talk in groups, many people find it easier, but it can also open old fractures, so get ready to damp that down. That people turned up, means they are interested in talking.

    Sense of Place Nearly everyone has some kind of tie to a place they love, means a lot to them, or is their home. What is it about that place? What do they do there? Is it the same as it was? If not, how has it changed. How could it be protected?

    Again, the point is to explore relation to place. It is not about cause or blame, unless the others introduce that.

    People who may deny climate change can talk about lengthening drought, changes in wildlife, the decline in bird species, the difficulties with water, the greater amounts of fertiliser they have to use, the increase in dirt (particulate pollution?). What other changes affect their lives? Are you both gardeners? – that can lead to ecological connection, although it does not have to. All these are important, but they won’t talk if they feel you are trying to manipulate them or sell them something. So don’t. People’s experience of place and change is interesting in itself – its actually vital.

    There is no ecological thinking without an awareness of the environment – and awareness of environment leads to new questions and thinking.

    Talk about your own experiences apolitically – give back. What might you share?
    If you live in a country area, you probably know the place they are talking about, and can probably relate to them.

    What remedies might they have tried? If nothing, then fine, but it is likely they have tried something; like cleanups, changing the water flows, rotating crops, tree planting, opening a wind farm, having an Airbnb to raise cash, moving to a different place etc. How did it work? How do they find the bank, or government (or other) services? What have they heard about, but is really not practical?

    There is lots of stuff to talk about. Perhaps they are as depressed/distressed as you, but about other things.

    In ecology everything is connected. Surprising things happen. Maybe they got in a rainmaker and it worked. Maybe turtles appeared out of nowhere. It’s good to relate to a special place and notice changes.

    The point is this is a long process requiring patience. Its about building relationships, building communities, that have been (I suspect) deliberately broken, largely by pro-fossil fuel organisations and political opportunism. Be prepared for things to go wrong. In some cases people have a lot invested in preventing conversations. You just start again, maybe with different people.

    It is not about winning. We either get through this together or not at all, and we can all learn.

    Green Paradox

    May 21, 2019

    German Economist Hans-Werner Sinn identifies a ‘green paradox‘.

    This is that the more we discuss lowering, and act to lower, CO2 emissions from fossil fuels to reduce climate turmoil, the more temptation there is for fossil fuel companies to excavate fossil fuels to sell them and make money out of them, before the assets become unsellable and worthless. I suspect that this is one of the reasons the Right in Australia is so keen on new coal mines, to protect mining giants and get support from them in turn.

    We can add, that acting to reduce CO2 also increases the temptation the companies have to broadcast false information to delay action and keep the sales going as long as possible. Both selling to damage the market, and emitting misinformation to influence the market, are part of normal capitalist functioning.

    Furthermore, if plenty of green power is available, then the price of fossil fuels may come down (especially given the pressure to sell them) so even more fossil fuels get burnt. If Countries have not committed to green energy, then they can freeload on the cheap fuel created by those who have rejected fossil fuel. This can then lead to further lock-in of fossil fuel technology in those countries.

    Another way of phrasing this is “The more we need to go green, the harder it will become”.

    Solutions are difficult, but apart from overthrowing capitalism which is not going to happen, we could have a worldwide carbon tax, which is also going to be hard (misinformation problems), we could reduce the massive subsidies that go to fossil fuels for historical reasons (we tried to make supply safe for social good), or we could simply buy, or nationalize the reserves (which is also going to be difficult).

    What the green paradox tells us, is that we cannot solve the problem of greenhouse gases and energy without legislating, or finding some other ways, to keep coal in the ground. That has to be the aim