Posts Tagged ‘economics’

How capitalism justifies exploitation

January 2, 2019

Exploitative systems nearly always justify themselves in terms of the superiority of the exploiters, and the benefits they provide to the exploited. The Spanish in South America and the East India Company in India, claimed they were bringing peace, religion, and civilization. At the worst they were ruling the “barbarians” justly.

Similarly, the benefactors of capitalism argue that wealth inequalities stem not from co-operation, inheritance, violent histories of theft and conquest, or the ability of powerful people to extract value from people who are forced to labour for others or starve, but because wealthy people are brilliant, talented, hard-working and virtuous, and everyone else is lesser.

This can happen because, loosely, capitalists form a ‘class’ which, while competing amongst themselves for status and advantage, aims to benefit, protect and justify what they do, while suppressing opposition. Their primary aim to take as much of the wealth in circulation as possible.

They do this by building a society in which those wealthy people support politicians, policies and laws that benefit them. They can further support and distribute the ideas which justify them, far better than any opposition, through ownership and control of media and the ability to support think-tanks. They can use governments to suppress alternate information (by acts such as prohibiting government scientists from speaking about climate change, getting records of ecological damage removed from official websites and so on). They have the money to make it very hard to challenge them. They tie the exploitation to attractive ideas like liberty, the benefits and virtue of hard work and so on. They can suppress the workers’ ability to co-operate to take some of the profit those workers generate back, which is the only power that workers have. They attempt to generate group polarisations, so the workers cannot unite as a whole in opposition to capitalism, merely to each other. They attack unions, use automation, deskilling, and so on to lower general wages. Do you really think that capitalists want to abolish minimum wages because they really think that this will increase workers’ income?

Historically, we had a relatively quiet capitalist class when they feared revolution from the workers, but over the last 50 or so years this fear has declined and they have moved back into overt dominance; they have nothing to fear, but Islamic fundamentalism, which has little attraction in the West, and can be used to scare Western populations into submission.

Capitalism encourages three main drives:

  • To make things, offer services and distribute these commodities as cheaply as possible. Part of the cost of production is wages, so they want those as low as possible, and their ideology suggests that workers are generally low value or they would be capitalists as well.
  • To charge as much as possible for whatever they sell to make profit. To this end they will often compete for slightly higher prices, or co-operate to ensure prices remain high. In a mass consumption, high wages society, with capitalists fearing revolution, competition increases. With lowering wages competition decreases, eventually shifting into production for the wealthy alone where high prices are important to stop poorer people from purchasing the items and so prices mark ‘quality’ or ‘exclusivity’.
  • To distribute as much of the profit as they can to upper level executives and shareholders. There can be competition between executives and shareholders over distribution of profit, although this is usually fairly constrained as they share interests in it not going to the workers. Recently shareholders have started to request that more of the profit goes to them, and that upper level executives not get paid huge bonuses when they have appeared to have damaged the company, or not delivered maximum profits.
  • Capitalism is a political system, not just an economic system, and the political system it encourages is geared to plutocracy or rule by wealth. The more that wealth inequalities increase the more capitalism becomes plutocracy, and power relations favour the wealthy. Naturally it pretends to be virtue based, rather than based on exploitation or the use of power.

    Protecting capitalism?

    December 23, 2018

    First of all, we have to ask what we mean by failure? Systems don’t fail, they just behave.

    Let us define ‘failure’ as causing ongoing harm to particular groups of people, or collapsing.

    We might use rates of industrial accidents, or occupational illness, or dumping pollution onto particular populations as initial examples of failure.

    Capitalism protects itself against these kind of failures by law and power. If you get injured at work because of ongoing lack of safety, then you have to prove guilt, pay legal fees, and survive with no income. So the employer is pretty safe unless they are small, we get a concerned political party trying to make dangerous working conditions illegal, or you belong to a functional union. This is one reason unions are not popular.

    If you are part of a community which gets pollution dumped on it and are poisoned as a result, then likewise you have to prove this in law, and the company probably has the advantage – unless they have done something amazingly and obviously evil, when you might get some media coverage, and they could decide to settle because the bad publicity is costing them profit. As the laws are written by the capitalist class then the probability is high that even if they are found guilty, then the penalty will be minor in terms of the profit gained – at least after they appeal. Or they might simply abandon your town and move somewhere less concerned about pollution. Companies are motile, so they can often destroy ecologies and move elsewhere, leaving surviving residents to deal with the mess. The law and an engineered lack of responsibility helps protect capitalists from failure.

    Capitalists may even cheer when the government they own makes it harder to take class actions, or makes it easier to pollute. One of President Trump’s most coherent set of actions has been to make pollution and ecological destruction easier for corporations.

    Businesses will often gang up to make sure they don’t all suffer from requirements not to harm people. They will tell us how the proposed restrictions stop economic activity. However, sometimes they will cooperate to make everyone reduce the harm if that harm really looks bad or effects them.

    A further way that capitalists protect themselves from this kind of failure is through the institution of the corporation, in which officers of the corporation are rarely at fault for anything, unless it costs shareholders money. Corporations are tools designed to avoid personal responsibility, and give limited liability.

    Another way that capitalism can fail is to loose other people’s money.
    Bankruptcy is another legal tool whereby capitalists can avoid major responsibility for their debts and loosing other people’s money.

    Another tool is government bailouts, as happened in the financial crash of 2008. In this case the debt is transferred from big capitalists to taxpayers. This is particularly good if you can reduce the tax paid by the wealthy and the corporate sector, as then capitalists pay little of the insurance. This process ensures that big capitalists can be protected from their mistakes without suffering any significant consequences. This is good for them, but entrenches mistakes into the system, making it more likely to crash in the future and get more bailout money to keep it going.

    You will note that government money was not paid to householders who were losing their houses because of fraudulent loans, so they could pay the debt off; it was transferred directly to the capitalists because the system is set up to protect them, not ordinary Americans. There is some evidence that even when the housing contracts where shown to be fraudulent the judicial system still favoured capitalists. My memory is that when Obama insisted that the companies had to pay back the money there were screams of protests from the Republicans. President Bush had just given them money with no strings attached.

    So the biggest way that capitalism avoids failure, for the moment, is to buy access to the State. This is inevitable. In capitalism profit and money are the only significant markers of value, so there is little value to compete with wealth and the ‘class interest’ of the wealthy. The result of capitalism can be called ‘plutocracy’.

    Capitalists can make sure politicians need their money to get elected. They can give jobs to politicians for good service after the politician resigns. They can use their media to blacken the names of people who might work against them. They can subsidize Think tanks to provide them with useful ideology and fake ‘facts’ to increase their power and stability. They can try and obliterate facts which are politically inconvenient, although there can be disputes here. For example some capitalists think we need to do things about climate change to survive, and others think we don’t to continue their profit. Neither side will probably support anything that challenges capitalist power or tries to make them responsible for pollution and ecological destruction in our society.

    Part of normal capitalist process is to try and take over the State, or to compete in the State for influence and product security. This is how capitalists protect themselves from failure at the cost of ordinary people.

    Neoliberalism and Privatisation

    December 12, 2018

    In the beginning, perhaps neoliberalism did have a belief in the virtues of private enterprise and in government inefficiency, but after 40 years of mess and profiteering, this can hardly be the case any more. For a long time it has been clear that privatisation exists to transfer public assets, public profit, taxpayers’ money and political power to the corporate sector.

    Some of our local neoliberals use the term “Asset recycling” instead of privatization. This term shows the whole farce for what it is. There is no recycling. These assets are not waste that is being given to the private sector to revitalise, but are viable, useful and often profitable parts of public infrastructure and organisation that are being taken away from us precisely because they are useful, viable and profitable. How stupid does he think we are?

    Even the supposed virtues of private enterprise are crushed by privatisation, as with the NSW Ports deal when competition between ports is suppressed by contract and legislation so as to benefit a favoured company. Many of the organisations that are privatised are monopolies, and there is no possibility of competition between the monopoly and new market entrants – for example airports, airport parking, or airport trains. The expense of building a competing airport is tremendous and unlikely to happen even if planning approval was given. The electricity grid also seems to be a monopoly for the same reason; the cost of setting up a new universal grid is enormous. So there is no competition with plenty of scope for profiteering.

    We all know how well privatisation of the Commonwealth Bank has worked for the public good. The publicly owned bank provided competition, now the banks are in lock-sync to increase profits. In the old days, banks paid you to get access to your money, now with all the cost cutting allowed by the internet and computerization, and branch closure, you pay them to look after your money – and you cannot avoid using them.

    Privatisation involves both surrendering power to the private sector, and over-valuing the private sector, so that what was once controllable in the general good, becomes sacrificed to profit and non-existant “private efficiency”, and what was public information which allowed performance to be evaluated becomes “commercial in confidence”.

    Yes, that is right tax payers’ money goes to the private sector and we, the taxpayers, are not allowed to know how the money is spent, or whether its an improvement. As for selling the titles office, how secure is that now? We the taxpayers have to bail out these private organisations when they do stupid things. So where is the benefit? The profit goes to them, and the costs to us.

    I read today, that some companies that benefit from neoliberal largess, such as Sydney Airport and Transurban (the latter receiving the gift of toll road Westconnex) have not paid taxes “since 2013-14 despite reporting billions of dollars in income” (‘One in four of Australia’s largest companies paid no tax last year’, SMH 13 December 2018). So these companies freeload even more on the rest of society, paying nothing to support the conditions that make them profitable. So its a total loss to the public.

    Where does the money raised from privatisation go? Not to public coffers, but to other private companies, like the people running roughshod over the public in the way of Westconnex, which is then to be gifted to a toll company so that we not only give money to the private sector but we have a permanent tax on travel in Sydney.

    Some money goes to massively inflated and useless rail projects which cannot merge with the overall rail system, and again have no competition. Indeed the sole purpose of some of these projects is to provide transport for development projects, while not serving other areas on the route.

    The new privatized hospital in North Sydney is way too far from the Northern Beaches for safety. You will not get there in time if you have a stroke or heart attack, whereas you could probably have got to the hospitals which are being closed and sold off to developers. Can’t have nice land and views in the public domain or being used by ordinary sick people. The hospital is crashing already. People will end up with worse, and distant, service so that corporations can profit (in this case from people’s suffering).

    All of this privatisation does help lower general wages and boost executive wages, because of the way these companies work and structure their income. – this the neoliberals think is a good thing. Thus the economy becomes depressed, because those who need money, and spend it, don’t get it.

    These “shortcomings” are not minor as the author claims. Turning things over to the market only delivers profits for high-level executives, lack of information for the public (through commercial in-confidence arrangements), and pollution and destruction of the environment, air space and living space more generally. They turn power and public money over to the wealthy, and abdicate the general good and the idea of commons. They destroy the democratic process, and that is the whole point of neoliberalism.

    The neoliberal right will not change their minds and stop privatization, because for them it was always about handing public property to the private sector, higher pay for corporate elites, the freedom to damage things without constraint, and freedom from challenge by the people.

    Ruskin and work…

    December 10, 2018

    More Ruskin. One of his aims was to distinguish ‘good’ work from ‘diabolic’ work. It may still be relevant. This is slightly edited for ease of reading.

    Good work, then, will be, —

    a) Letting in light where there was darkness; as especially into poor rooms and back streets; and generally guiding and administering the sunshine wherever we can, by all the means in our power.

    And the correspondent Diabolic work is putting a tax on windows, and blocking out the sun’s light with smoke. [Using coal instead of solar for livelihood]

    b) Disciplining the falling waters. In the Divine work, this is the ordinance of clouds; in the human, it is properly putting the clouds to service; and first stopping the rain where they carry it from the sea, [or slowing the water’s passage] and then keeping it pure as it flows back to the sea again.

    And the correspondent Diabolic work is the arrangement of land so as to throw all the water back to the sea as fast as we can; and putting every sort of filth into the stream as it runs.

    c) The separation of earth from water, and planting earth with trees. The correspondent human work is especially clearing morasses, and planting on desert ground.

    The correspondent Diabolic work is turning good land and water into mud [or desert]; and cutting down trees that we may drive steam ploughs, etc., etc.

    d) The establishment of times and seasons. The correspondent human work is a due watching of the rise and set of stars, and course of the sun; and due administration and forethought of our own annual labours, preparing for them in hope, and concluding them in joyfulness, according to the laws and gifts of Heaven. Which beautiful order is set forth in symbols on all lordly human buildings round the semi-circular arches which are types of the rise and fall of days and years.

    And the correspondent Diabolic work is turning night into day with candles, so that we never see the stars; and mixing the seasons up one with another, and having early strawberries, and green peas and the like. [So that all sense of the rhythm of life and the cosmos is lost.]

    e) Filling the waters with fish, and air with birds.

    The correspondent Diabolic work is poisoning fish, as is done at Coniston, with copper-mining; and catching them for Ministerial and other fashionable dinners when they ought not to be caught; and treating birds — as birds are treated, Ministerially and otherwise.

    f) Filling the earth with beasts, properly known and cared for by humans; but chiefly, breathing into the clayey and brutal nature of humanity itself, the Soul, or Love, of God.

    The correspondent Diabolic work is shooting and tormenting beasts; and grinding out the soul from the flesh, with machine labour; and then grinding down the flesh, when nothing else is left, into clay, with machines for that purpose such as machine guns, huge cannon, bombs and the like.

    These are the six main heads of God’s and the Devil’s work.

    “Primitive Accumulation”

    November 23, 2018

    “Primitive accumulation” is a somewhat confusing Marxist term for pre-capitalist modes of accumulation. Primitive accumulation is the accumulation, and breaking of social bonds, necessary to raise the capital to make private investments. The term points out that capitalism does not start off with a blank slate and that the accumulation of capital did not simply arise because some people worked harder, or had more talent, than others.

    Capital/capitalism arose out of several pre-existing processes, such as:

  • Hereditary appropriation by violence.
  • Dispossession of people from their land and the ability to be self-supporting (that is the main reason you have a group of people who are prepared to sell both their labour and control over their lives to a boss)
  • Ongoing violence: of trade as with the East India Company; US and Australian murder of original inhabitants to get land and resources; colonialism/conquest; slavery; enclosure of commons; busting of craft guilds etc.
  • Refusal to hand back the wealth in the form of ‘gifts,’ massive feasts, or on the appropriator’s death, as is standard in non-capitalist stateless societies.
  • None of these processes by themselves guarantee capitalism, but the people who can do this violence to create capital, can come to make a ruling class, capture the State, and instigate legislation to allow their violence to be sanctified by law.

    Ideals of private and bounded property are developed to stop those who have been dispossessed from taking their property back. Wages become ways of the business owning what the wage earner produces or creates. The ecology becomes something to be plundered and dumped on until it starts to fail. The ruling class usually get a religion, or form of economics, to support all this violence as non-violent evidence of God’s will and the natural talent of the despoilers etc.

    Primitive accumulation does not stop with the birth of capital, and even today wealthy people are given public lands cheap, the power to pollute and poison, companies can use the courts to deprive others of property, they bribe state operatives for powers to despoil and steal etc.

    Inquiries in Australia suggest that it is standard for businesses to defraud customers, and defraud their workers of promised wages. Yet despite this, it seems rare for someone at a high level in the business to suffer for this theft; the worse that happens is that the business has to pay it back sometimes. On the other hand, theft from employers is treated quite seriously, people go to jail for that. Capitalism legitimates and encourages ongoing primitive accumulation. In the 2008 financial crisis we could frequently read about forged, or heavily misleading, contracts, and it was the customer who lost their homes, the banks were given taxpayer bailouts and sold the homes from under people.

    Corporations are tools whereby the owners and controllers avoid responsibility and liability for the results of their actions, frauds and thefts. Who benefits from this system is clear.

    Competition can exist, but only to the extent that it does not threaten the rulers and buyers of state power, as a whole. Businesses often collaborate to charge the maximum price and the lowest wages, as that is what the system rewards. They try and repeal any legislation which may have given workers or independents any comeback against them.

    Supporters of corporate power, argue that the State should support even fewer people in their ability to challenge capitalist power, and that the state should give more power and more rewards to those with wealth, and we end up with something like we have now.

    Capitalism requires a State, and will always build a State, in order to function and protect its capital and its property. There is no such thing as anarcho-capitalism, other than as an ideology which functions to hand over more of the State to the corporate sector

    Ruskin and Economics I

    November 13, 2018

    There is no ideal single book to learn about Victorian ‘sage’ John Ruskin’s economics, but there are lots of scattered ideas in various books. Some say that at the time he had more influence on British Labour politics than Marx…. Ruskin is not always admirable perhaps, but he braved a lot of criticism and ostracism to make these points

    Ruskin argues economics should be about both the conditions of survival and the generation of wealth rather than riches. ‘Riches’, he defines as appropriation from another, ‘wealth’ the general benefit: wealth is tied in with the cultivation of souls and the provision of beauty: “There is no wealth but life.” Riches can brought about through death and injustice. As such, wealth involves the higher pleasures natural to humans. Not surprisingly, for Ruskin, economics should encourage manufacture and appreciation of art and beauty, but also of care for others.

    True economics also grows out of social affections and associations and a recognition of those affections and ties.

    “Independence you had better cease to talk of, for you are dependent not only on every act of people whom you never heard of, who are living all around you, but on every past act of what has been dust for a thousand years. So also does the course of a thousand years to come depend upon the little perishing strength that is in you.”

    Economic theory is about relationship and structures relationship. Ruskin argues that, recognizing this, the rich have obligations to the poor and their workers. He is paternalistic, although often his model involves a woman tending her household. He considers the relationship between an employer and a worker to be ideally, and perhaps necessarily, one of voluntary kinship. To him contemporary capitalists simply avoided their responsibilities to others (praising their own ‘individuality’) to the detriment of the nation. They were helped in this avoidance by a liberal economics which strips all that is valuable about human life, relationship and art away. Liberal economics reduces life to covetous calculation and demand. Laissez faire, which avoids or breaks any human ties with others is simply the principle of death and the destruction of common-wealth. It is also the death of real economics.

    Breaking human ties also means that the higher pleasures cannot survive in capitalism. Capitalists have no thought for beauty, unless they monopolise it for themselves as a tool of status and as a demonstration of their ability to exclude others from its benefits. If profit is brought by destruction and ugliness (physical and mental) then that is what relationship denying capitalists will produce. Their riches depends on ‘illth’ – the very opposite of wealth, and this can be seen in despoiled landscape and the ruined bodies and souls of the labouring classes. Any difference between the labouring and the rich classes comes about by this illth and their conditions of living for labourers. It is a matter of violence, not virtue.

    True economics is concerned with the circumstances of everyone not just the rich, and this concern also grows out of cultivation of nobility of soul. Labour is necessary, but only so far as it enables life outside of labour and manages holidays. Labour in a good economy should be joyful and creative, rather than confined to dank and ugly slums. It should also be about craft and responsibility, tasks which refine the soul, rather than the monotony of machinc production or rote tasks. The cultivation of craft and purity of produce is ultimately what delivers the wealth of real ‘goods’ that can be consumed well.

    However, good consumption requires instruction, and higher values; another moral question for a real economy is whether people can use what is produced nobly or not. The point being that wealth does not consist in producing or owning massive numbers of possessions, but in the possessions that increase life and its value. This also implies that economics has to be in harmony with ecologies and its effects on the future.

    “God has lent us the earth for our life. It is a great entail. It belongs as much to those who are to come after us…as to us. And we have no right, by anything we might do or neglect, to involve them in unnecessary penalties or deprive them of benefits which it was in our power to bequeath… Every human action gains in honor, in grace, in all true magnificence, by its regard of things that are to come… Therefore, when we build, let us think that we build forever. Let it not be for present delight, nor for present use alone. Let it be such work as our descendants will thank us for”

    An economics which puts relationships, beauty, cultivation of souls, ecology, well made lasting goods, and the long-term future in front of us, certainly seems unusual.

    capitalism and eco-system collapse again

    November 11, 2018

    Old fashioned capitalism that did not rule the State, could have dealt with eco-system collapse – because it would not, and could not, have opposed action that affected everyone and was clearly for the public good.
    Post 1980s neoliberal capitalism cannot because:

  • Profit is the only good.
  • Nothing must impede the right of a business to make profit, and that includes attempts to preserve nature.
  • Corporations and wealthy people fund politicians and think tanks and own the media. They control policies, and feed information to people which largely expresses their interests. News on ecosystem collapse and climate change, has been repeatedly shown to be rather rare, given its importance.
  • There is little well funded opposition to corporate plutocracy. Almost everything is run according to corporate principles and maximizing the bottom line.
  • Free markets are essentially those markets over which the general populace has no control, and which generally harm those without much wealth.
  • In this set up, business can push the cost of pollution and destruction onto the taxpayers without much restraint. People like President Trump roll back restrictions on this.
  • Attempts to save the earth are made to seem like impositions on general liberty, when they are only impositions on business liberty to destroy nature for profit no matter how many people they hurt.
  • Businesses keep telling people that avoiding ecological destruction will mean the collapse of the economy. That should tell people that the economy is not friendly towards them. Without a functional ecology, there is no economy.
  • The growth in inequality means that people who profit from destruction think they are safe from other people. Who can afford to sue them? And it gets harder to do class actions
  • Unconstrained neoliberal capitalism finds it very hard not to be destructive, because businesses need maximal profit to survive competition, and if that means destruction then that is ok.

    Vague thoughts about economics

    November 2, 2018

    1) Producing goods involves waste and environmental destruction. This cost can be counted or not, depending on the power of the destroyer and the convenience of destruction. It still has an effect. How do we make sure that the waste an destruction can be processed by the Systems involved? If economics and waste breaks the boundaries of the earth system, then we are all under considerable pressure, if not dead. We are not yet able to treat the planet as if it was not a closed set of systems.

    2) Wealth equals power in the market and in society. Power can be used to alter the structures of markets to prevent innovation and the distribution of goods to people who need them. This may not always have the effects intended, by those powerful. Hence a functional economics which is not just about protecting the wealthy, has to recognise politics and power inequalities and seek to subvert them.

    3) Markets do not always work to maximise social benefits for everyone (through the “invisible hand” or otherwise, so it is probably false to claim that as a principle of economics. Perhaps we should more realistically start economics with looking at how markets do not achieve this, and are not intended to achieve this?

    4) When dealing with climate change we should probably think about the general disorganisation, disruptions and costs that come from not doing anything. This is the base cost of action.

    5) There is no reason to assume the least cost intervention will be the best, although it is, by definition, probably least costly to the powerful wealthy and therefore to be favoured.

    6) We may need to identify those people who will resist any intervention, and why. This takes us out of economics.

    What might happen to the poor in libertarian society?

    October 28, 2018

    Let’s be clear we don’t know exactly what would happen, but we can predict based on what happens in plutocracies generally. What we do know is that Libertarians tend to equate wealth with virtue and poverty with laziness and vice. They also refuse to admit that wealth is a source of power, and that people should be allowed to constrain that power. Consequently we can assume that the general trend would not be good.

    Poor people could get employment that was radically unsafe and harmed them because nobody could make employers think this was a bad idea, and there are always more poor workers to use up. This is what happens in unregulated industries.

    Workers would have to obey bosses totally or starve, because bosses like power with their wealth – and bosses club together while making unions illegal.

    They could buy food that poisoned them because there would be no restrictions on selling it, and no requirements to list ingredients, and food business would love this, and agitate for it all the time.

    Farm subsidies would be eliminated putting small farmers out of work, and allowing their farms to be taken over by ‘big agriculture’ and possibly increasing the price of food. One of the main drives of capitalism has been to displace people from self-sufficiency and offer them the choice of wage labour or poverty – or both – as this increases the power of wealth.

    Poor areas would get even more pollution than they do now, because wealthy people could dump it all on them, and there would be no recourse.

    Poorer people would be continually hassled by privatised police forces that worked solely to impose the whims of those who could afford them – and there is no recourse again.

    Police could kill poor suspects with even more ease as there would be no regulations to stop them, and relatives probably would not have enough money to hire a rival police to fight it out.

    Probably everyone who could afford police and law could kill anyone who was poor. It might even become a sport.

    Random people would probably be sent to prison as private prisons would make money from them without restriction, and they could pay the private police forces to collect workers for them.

    Education would not be free or cheap as restrictions on education helps maintain class lines. If you are poor give up all hope of education for your kids. Or you could be taught at charity schools about being respectful to business and knowing your place when a rich person passes by.

    Science counts for nothing, unless it increases wealth, so there may be free range on ‘consensual’ human experimentation – on paid victims with commercial in confidence clauses and penalization for speaking out.

    Only knowledge that supports the ruling elite, or which sells advertising, would be widely available to poor people, so the poor would have little understanding of what was causing their problems. Informing them about reality would make you a class traitor, and you might disappear.

    There would be nothing like the GI bill, so no reward when you go to war to protect markets and cheap labor.

    People would say the poor are always with us, and that attempts to do anything to improve people’s opportunities would corrupt them.

    Charity would be about forcing people to give respect to donors, because its not like you deserve support – your inferiority is shown by you needing it, and you have to encourage donors by boosting them.

    Poor people in ill health, or orphans, might be locked up in institutions to force them to work, for someone’s profit – this how charity used to work.

    As class/wealth lines would intensify, there would be less mass production, because there is no point in trying to sell stuff to people who can’t afford it. Money would be better made selling one-off vanity products to the rich.

    Libertarianism is not anarchism, never forget that.

    *************

    Adendum

    In late 2021, in response to this post, someone asked me why I would assume there would be no rules about what can be sold, and protecting people against harmful or bad work environments in libertarian society, They also pointed out that forms of what I was pointing to already exist, and that other societies, such as communist societies are very bad.

    My response is:

    In my experience, libertarianism is most often presented as an anarchist, or small State theory. However, it does not seem to function that way in practice – which is why I say it is not anarchist.

    Let us be clear, if by anarchist, you mean a ‘stateless society’ then that is how humans have lived for most of human existence, so anarchism is quite possible. However, capitalism has never existed without a State or without making a State – so anarchist capitalism does not seem possible

    Libertarianism, like neoliberalism, seems to favour quite a strong state which supports the wealth elites and puts them first, because, the nature of capitalism is that who can pay the most usually wins. This could be considered the secret doctrine of capitalism. Certainly there is no level playing field, as some people have massively more wealth than most of us put together.

    There are all kinds of rules in the current free market state, but being made by the wealth elites, or their bought representatives (as these are the only people with access to the State or the law), these rules are unlikely to favour (or protect) ordinary people and much more likely to favour retaining the power of wealth. They are also likely to try and structure the market to benefit the existing victors. You can see a little of this in the way ‘big tech’ companies receive criticisms which could apply equally to established companies, but are not applied.

    The more wealth is allowed to gain control, then the worse this situation is likely to get. Hence my stretching of what is happening now.

    I agree that other systems can also be bad, there is no reason not to agree.

    I also agree that everything I talk about is already a problem, but we have had 40 years of endless free market talk, and so this is likely to be a problem of capitalism, and a problem of government to the extent that capitalists own and control the government in this reality as much as they would, perhaps less than they would, in the Libertarian reality. They make the huge governments that are the problem, but they also like smaller governments which cannot stand up to their superior wealth and power.

    Small farms are dying precisely because of the capitalist state and the power of the capitalist market. Owners of small farms are not leaving for fun, but because they have to.

    Neither of us would accept it if a communist told us that according to Marxist theory the State would wither away so we just had to have faith while it got stronger and more authoritarian. So I equally refuse to accept that free market theories produce small states and community self-governance, when they certainly do not appear to.

    Capitalism appears to almost always produce plutocracy, and capitalism does not seem to favour anarchy or community as anything other than misdirections or misplaced nostalgia for what it has destroyed, but pretends it can bring back.

    Identity Politics IV

    October 27, 2018

    More people seem to be independently coming around to acknowledging right wing identity politics or the politics of social categorization.

    In The Atlantic Adam Serwer writes:

    among those who claim to oppose identity politics, the term is applied exclusively to efforts by historically marginalized constituencies to claim rights others already possess. Trump’s campaign, with its emphasis on state violence against religious and ethnic minorities—Muslim bans, mass deportations, “nationwide stop-and-frisk”—does not count under this definition, but left-wing opposition to discriminatory state violence does.

    Right wing identity politics is used to build following for a party who’s main aim is to “to slash the welfare state in order to make room for more high-income tax cuts” and to support plutocracy generally. Free market politics is generally about removing the historical constraints on big business which might benefit less powerful people, and restraining ordinary people from having any political impact on business, no matter what is being done to them.

    Let’s face it. Big Business is dominant. In Australia, where the rightwing government has a similar drive, we have a situation in which almost daily we are hearing about crimes from powerful financial institutions which are rewarded by the system at the expense of ordinary people. We also hear of employers fraudulently underpaying their workers. The government, in its wisdom, is attacking unions as a threat to democracy and the process of the free market. It is talking about boosting Christian liberty to deny the rights of others, and engages in discussions about “fair dinkum power” ie poisonous coal.

    In the US we have a government, whose main achievements, apart from the taxcuts for the wealthy, seem to have been to wreck healthcare for most people, and to allow corporations to pollute with joy.

    People, while willing to sacrifice for the greater good are probably not that willing, if they realise it, to sacrifice for the benefit of those who are already benefitting, and its good for the plutocrats to be able shift the blame onto migrants – especially non white migrants.

    Serwer again:

    Republicans have taken to misleading voters by insisting that they oppose cuts or changes to popular social insurance programs, while stoking fears about Latino immigrants, Muslim terrorists, and black criminality. In truth, without that deception, identity politics is all the Trump-era Republican Party has.

    If people get indignant about this identity politics, without explaining what is happening, then it gives those identity politics more publicity and more of a boost.

    To make the point again: the reason this is conservative identity politics, is that it supports the dominance of a group that identifies as predominantly white male and straight, who see themselves as being under threat (which they are from plutocracy). However, even if these people are kicked by their own party and the rich, they can still manage to be “better” than other groups of people, and help suppress them.

    it looks back to an imagined past when they were doing well

    Underlying the American discourse on identity politics has always been the unstated assumption that, as a white man’s country, white identity politics—such as that practiced by Trump and the Republican Party—is legitimate, while opposition to such politics is not.

    The way things have been is under challenge, and the old way must be reinforced. Hence this form of identity politics is almost invisible.

    few of the pundits convinced that identity politics poses a threat to democracy have displayed alarm as the president and his party have built a second nationwide campaign around it.

    see:

    https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/10/gop-mid-term-campaign-all-identity-politics/573991