Posts Tagged ‘free markets’

Problems for oil finance

January 19, 2020

If correct, this is an extraordinary piece of financial news, that deserves maximum publicity.

The Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis reports that:

“ExxonMobil, BP, Chevron, Total, and Royal Dutch Shell (Shell), the five largest publicly traded oil and gas firms, collectively rewarded stockholders with $536 billion in dividends and share buybacks since 2010, while generating $329 billion in free cash flow over the same period.”

This means that

“Since 2010, the world’s largest oil and gas companies have failed to generate enough cash from their primary business – selling oil, gas, refined products and petrochemicals – to cover the payments they have made to their shareholders.”

Pouring money into shareholders is not an obvious investment in future business other than in perhaps suggesting you are a good investment, and trying to increase the share prices, which are often tied to bonuses.

“Asset sales have been a crucial source of funding of dividends and share buybacks for the supermajors.”

This is not using asset sales to make new investments, or carry out new explorations or research into technology or new business ventures – this is odd.

We should also note that oil companies do not pay the tax they should, which also makes them precarious if governments were to insist that they should.

Again from the IEEFA

Australian company Telstra paid twenty times as much tax as all of the oil and gas companies in Australia despite having similar revenues according to the latest data provided by the Australian Taxation Office (ATO).

Companies working in Australia’s oil and gas industry paid just $81 million in tax in 2016-17, while Telstra with a comparative revenue of $26,948 million paid $1,644 million in tax.

“Catherine Tanner, the Chief Executive Officer of BG Group promised around $1 billion a year in taxes and $300 million a year in royalties for its petroleum project in Queensland,” says Robertson.

“The reality is BG Group paid no tax in 2016-17 nor did its parent Shell Australia

IEEFA notes $195 billion of Australia’s natural wealth is being exported with $0.00 royalties or royalty-type petroleum resource rent taxes (PRRT) being collected.

One way of interpreting both pieces of news together, is that oil company executives think they are heading for trouble, and they want to shovel as much money to their established shareholders (including high level executives) as they can, possibly out of defrauding tax-payers, before they collapse.

Siemans and Adani

January 12, 2020

German company Siemens has decided to support the Adani Carmichael mine, by providing a signaling system for the necessary rail line. Their justification seem more about fulfilling their recently signed contract, than preserving a functional ecology, or discovering the problems with business deals in advance.

This is their email to those who wrote to them objecting to their support for Adani.

Dear all,

We just finished our extraordinary Siemens Managing Board Meeting. We evaluated all options and concluded: We need to fulfil our contractual obligations. Also, we will establish an effective Sustainability Board to better manage environmental care in the future. Read here the reasons for the decision. (sie.ag/2FoFpAt).

Sincerely,
Joe Kaeser

Lets look at the website:

Siemens starts by denying there is any evidence connecting “this project” with the bush fires. Of course not. The project is not running yet; it can have nothing to do with the current bushfires. However, burning more coal makes climate driven bushfires more likely and probably worse. This project will add massive amounts of CO2 to the atmosphere, and consume massive amounts of water. If Australia has more seasons like the current one, we will continue to lose bush, agriculture and water. The mine will not make things better. Increased Greenhouse gas emissions probably spur on the unprecedented fires that have burnt throughout the world this year. Human induced climate change is not just a problem for Australia.

Siemens has “pledged carbon neutrality by 2030”. This is probably a good thing, but it is a bit weird to try and reach carbon neutrality by increasing other people’s lack of carbon neutrality. You cannot become carbon neutral by furthering carbon intensity. This is as absurd as the Australian government’s argument that carbon emissions from burning our coal, are not our problem, if other people buy it and burn it. Greenhouse gas emissions anywhere affect the whole world’s lack of carbon neutrality.

Siemens says correctly that the project is approved, and it is true that Australian governments have approved, and indeed made it as easy as possible, for example, gifting it infinite amounts of water in drought conditions. That cannot be argued. However, it is not unambiguously true that the local Aboriginal people are all in favour, or the Queensland government may not have had to rescind land rights claims to the area..

As we might expect, Matthew Canavan wrote to Siemens in support of the project, in a letter dated December 18, 2019, saying:

The Australian people clearly voted to support Adani at the federal election in May 2019, especially in regional Queensland. It would be an insult to the working people of Australia and the growing needs of India to bow to the pressure of anti-Adani protestors.

Oddly an election is never about a single issue, and even if people had simply voted for the Adani mine, they were voting based on known false job estimates, and official lack of consideration about what the mine is likely to mean for all the East Coast, south of the mine. It is correct that Labor never challenged those figures, or proposed different sources of jobs, and has backed the mine since the election, but this does not change the facts.

We might point out to Mr. Canavan that having their homes burn or dying in the fires, because of lack of government preparation, or concern, could be considered a much more severe insult to the working people of Australia.

The web site continues:

Siemens has signed the contract on December 10th, 2019.

This means they signed the contract in full awareness of the problems, and before receiving Mr Canavan’s letter. It is not as if they signed years ago. The recent signing implies they either could not have really cared about the problems, or cared to bother to inform themselves of the problems.

There were competitors who have been competing. Thus, whether or not Siemens provides the signaling, the project will still go ahead.

This reminds me of a film about the artist Banksy I saw recently in which people stole his street art to sell it, because someone else would probably steal it if they didn’t. The argument seems to be that we can commit crimes if there is a likelihood someone else will do it, if we don’t, or they will do it before we can.

Siemens then claim they have “embedded long-term sustainability-related targets in their management-incentive schemes,” and elsewhere in their defense “we will for the first time in Siemens history establish a Sustainability Committee”. This is slightly contradictory, but may mean they currently have a commitment to carbon neutrality without any consideration of sustainability.

Only being a credible partner whose word counts also ensures that we can remain an effective partner for a greener future. In this case, there is a legally binding and enforceable fiduciary responsibility to carry out this train signaling contract.

Sorry but being aware of the problems, and acting on that awareness, and not signing contracts without consideration of the problems is the only way that you will become (not remain) a participant in a greener future. Being prepared to break a contract when you discover it is morally wrong, despite the probable consequences, is the only way anyone can remain ethical. Everything else is about profit at the expense of a greener future.

Joe Kaeser’s final act of generosity is to promise to make plans to “support the reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure in the areas impacted by the terrible wildfires”. Yes many building companies will be doing that to make profit out of the disaster (and there is nothing wrong with that). However, this will not stop our global ecological problem. Companies must refuse to make profit out of destructive activities in the first place, and not place contractual obligations before ecological stability.

An edited version of this piece was accepted for John Menadue’s Pearls and Irritations web blog

Neoliberal Liberty and the market

December 8, 2019

Complete in itself (I hope) but continuing on from Casual Remarks on Liberty

In the English speaking world, since the late 1970s, both sides of politics seem to have increasingly developed the determination to protect and increase the power of large corporations, establish plutocracy and impinge on the liberty of people in general. The political elite of the Right seems more thorough and overt about this, so I shall primarily discuss Right wing style politics in this and a few subsequent posts. It may need to be said that there are many well intentioned people on both the Right and Left who oppose this move, or who do not appear to have noticed what is happening.

Market Liberty and Hierarchy

The first step taken in the contemporary promotion of plutocracy is the reduction of liberty to action in a market. Liberty of action in a market may indeed be important, but it is not the only factor in making liberty or in guarranteeing the continuance of liberty. Over-emphasis on this factor may be destructive of liberty.

A free market does not mean a free society, it more likely means a “fee society”, in which those with wealth can buy more services, buy more influence, and have much more impact on the market and other people than those who are poor or merely comfortable. These wealthy people also have much more freedom and power to tell others what to do. They become more important, and the market gears itself to serving them and where the greatest profit arises with the least effort. This set up, also means those with wealth can buy privilege as a matter of course; they can purchase access to politicians, lawyers, PR agents, or criminal threat and promote the kind of information, organisation, and distribution of risk, that suits them and not others, and so on.

Where wealth differentials become high enough then the wealthy can buy all forms of power to protect the retention of their wealth, and remove freedom for others from the market and the State. Capitalists suppress unions of workers, but not unions of businesses, (through buying politicians, laws and regulations).

I have previously mentioned the common excuse that the media these people own, can lie to benefit them with impunity, because they own it and have the right to control what it says. Such a position implies they have no resposibility towards truth, only towards ‘selfish’ support of faction and maintaining their power. They are demanding liberty without responsibility.

With, or without, direct control over media, they can support those who work in their favour, and ignore or trouble those who don’t. Society can become snowed by false information, which boosts their power.

While it can sometimes be argued that people have earned this wealth and should be rewarded, it is also common for people to inherit the wealth with little sign of any particular ability. Inherited or not, the wealth was almost always made with the help of others, who did not share in the wealth they produced because of the laws of capitalist privilege. Wealth also gives the ability to network with other wealthy people and team-up for the benefit of that group as opposed to everyone else. This is especially important if the ideology encourages and enforces the idea that less powerful people should act primarily as individuals outside of their place of employment.

The interaction between people with wealth increases their power and impact on others and, in general, power based in wealth appears to deny responsibility towards others (human or otherwise). There are studies which seem to show that wealth encourages behaviour most people would consider immoral, partly because the wealthy can get away with it, and partly because wealth can encourage indifference to, or contempt towards, less wealthy people. This encouraged ‘selfishness’, impacts on the liberty of others.

If it is more profitable to destroy an environment than to preserve it, then it will be destroyed legally. If it is more profitable to poison people than not, then people will be poisoned legally – and enabling free pollution seems to be one of President Trump’s major economic policies (the other being interfering in the free market through tariffs – some say that he gave massive tax concessions to large scale property owners as well). The only thing that is to be protected is the property and liberty of those wealthy enough to defend it in the courts.

For me, the direction of this kind of market liberty was most clearly revealed in conversations with self-proclaimed libertarians who argued that everyone should have the right to sell themselves into slavery. The billionaire with access to all kind of privilege and defense has the same right as the person with no capital, income or shelter and a hungry family to sacrifice their liberty forever in return for a small sum of money and survival. To be concise, in this case, market liberty encourages slavery of the non-privileged.

Reducing liberty to the market, biases liberty towards wealth, and may even remove wealth from those not so fortunate through the conditions of employment and survival.

In actually existing capitalism, it is doubtful that a free market can exist for long. No capitalist wants to keep a market which may unhorse them, when they have the opportunity to team-up to try and use the power of wealth to prevent this from happening.

Liberty vs. Employment

Given that most people can no longer support themselves, by producing their own food, shelter, clothing and so on, then the primary social relationship in the market, is between boss and employee. Employees are expected to be subservient. And although a few employees may be fortunate enough to have the ability to leave what they consider to be oppressive conditions and immediately move into another job without suffering penalty, employees will generally find that employers, as a group, expect obedience. Employers also expect ownership of the results of their employees’ labour and even their employees’ ideas, sometimes even those ideas not generated at work. Some types of work require the employee not to work in the same industry if they leave their job, which further weakens employee power and liberty. In many cases employers attempt to deskill jobs to make employees interchangeable and cheap; this also makes work is largely boring and with little requirement for skill development, and this may well impact on the kind of self-development and understanding needed for real liberty.

Fear of lack of employment in general, and of the consequences arising from standing up to an employer, is likely to be constant, also impinging on employee’s ideas and practices of liberty; their lives become servitude, learning to placate and please their boss. Growing lack of support from the State for periods of unemployment (even hostility to those attempting to find work, as in Australia), and State sponsored hostility to unions (employees organising for group resilience) further weakens the ability of people to freely change employment, or risk challenging their employer. This routine demand for obedience is almost certainly not conducive to a sense of liberty.

One reason for working at a university originally was the amount of freedom you had from this kind of submission. Provided you did your contracted lectures you were free to do whatever you liked, within the criminal law. You could keep your ideas and share and develop them as you chose. With increasing corporatisation (the extension of capitalist modes of organisation to other forms of life) this freedom is completely undermined, by endless paperwork, performance evaluations, demands for results, customer satisfaction surveys, and even university ownership of ideas in scientific disciplines. This extension of corporatisation is all about spreading the demand for worker submission to bosses. In the older days the universities were far less profit oriented, far freer and did not require proportionately much more money from the public.

One of the endless complaints of capitalist colonialists was that the conquered people would not work for wages – they were, in the would-be bosses terms, ‘lazy’. At best people would work until they had earned enough for whatever they wanted, and then they would return to self-sufficiency. This liberty had to be prevented, as you cannot run a capitalist business with that kind of freedom and uncertainty. Hence, land would be taken from conquered people, taxes and punishments applied, to get people to engage in wage labour. In the West the formation processes of capitalism had involved people being thrust of the land, self-sufficiency destroyed, and labour forced into low wages. At least according to some sources, wages were often not enough to survive on, but no matter, there were always more laborers. Wage labour could be cheaper than slavery – as the boss did not have to keep their workers alive.

This is the point of the anarchist demand “No State, No Church, No Boss”. ‘Boss’ is usually translated as ‘Master’, which is what bosses where called in nineteenth century Europe. With most people having to submit to bosses to survive there can be little learning of the paths of liberty.

Free market theory on the other hand demands more power for bosses, with less independence for workers. This is likely to be one reason why neoliberals are so hostile to unions, unemployment benefits and social wages, and completely indifferent to the effects of organisations of employers.

Liberty becomes Consumption

While liberty is reduced to freedom to be bossed, the market further transmutes desires and ambitions into the purchase of commodities, rather than self expression through independent creation. ‘Artists’ are judged solely by their ability to sell their art. Companies promote those artists they think will be successful and make the most profit for them and simply sign and ignore the others, and this is not unreasonable given the logic and compulsion of the market. The history of the recording industry is full of accounts of successful artists getting further into debt slavery because of the perfectly legal machinations, and exploitation, of managers and record companies.

Freedom in the market, for most people, comes down to freedom to buy what they can afford (or to go into debt); often having to choose between different brands of product owned by the same company. While freedom to choose what you can purchase is probably good, it is not the complete basis of liberty.

Profit and Liberty

In a neoliberal State, profit is everything, especially the profit of established and powerful business. This is the case, irrespective of whether every activity is best run with profit as the aim. Profit supposedly marks virtue, talent, hard-work, quality and success.

Eliminating costs is the easiest way of increasing profit, as nothing innovative, new or useful has to be thought up or invented. Employees are a cost and a potential trouble, so they need to be eliminated or further controlled, as much as possible (again liberty of employees is unimportant in market liberty, especially low level employees). Lying and misdirection can quickly boost profit and save costs, so it’s buyer beware and making markets and profit primary, corrupts truth. Cleaning pollution is a cost and so polluting is not a problem, and neoliberals work to increase their ability to freely pollute and freely destroy ecologies (with any burden going to other people). The likely reason the Right cannot even talk about dealing with climate change, is that dealing with it might threaten the profits of some established and powerful corporations. Profit is not only inherently good, but more important than survival. Pollution poisons, or potentially poisons, people, that is simply an unimportant side effect of the free market, to be challenged in courts if at all – after all, to neoliberals, the market solves all problems and being hurt by their activity, is your own fault.

In court, the corporation is usually safe without a strong participatory State responding to people, because ordinary people find it hard to overcome the financial and legal imbalance between them and the offending corporation. The class action has developed in an attempt around this corporate dominance. Mostly this makes profit for the lawyers if successful. However neoliberal politicians try and make class actions harder, so individuals are more vulnerable to corporate abuse. Where I live, if the people have a victory, the neoliberals change the law to make sure it can’t happen again – it is clearly the law that is at fault not the corporation – profit and corporate liberty must be protected, whatever the effects on the liberties of others.

The structure of the corporation with its diffusion of resonsibility, means that it is hard to hold its members responsible for corporate crimes, especially if the crmes were profitable. If the shareholders don’t care, or have benefitted enough, then that is the end of it, or some high level executive might get dismissed with a huge bonus. Of course if the crime diminished corporate profitability and was committed by a low level person, the consequences might be different. The corporation gives liberty without resonsibility to its executives and shareholders, and a massive kick to ordinary people; it is inherently a tool of hierarchy and dominance.

The more power and liberty given to the corporation, the less for everyone else.

Neoliberal markets and the Corruption of Truth

Liberty demands an attention to truth, and accuracy of beliefs. You cannot be completely free, or completely able to adapt to reality, if you are routinely misled. In capitalism misleading advertising, PR, obfuscation, fantasy and product hype are normal and intrinsic parts of the system. The general idea is to gain attention in the profitable way, and to provoke excitement and stability of power, rather than the contemplation of truth.

This disinformation stretches into political behaviour and supposed news which become attempts to persuade people to acquiesce to their subordination, or to be distracted from real problems. We are all told capitalists gain their wealth through their superior talents, or the favour of God, rather than because of their crimes, power or connections, and that leaving everything to the market, (that is, big business) will solve all major problems. We do not have to participate, other than by choosing products out of the range we are presented with, and with the dubious information we are given as part of sales practice.

Through these misinformation actions, capitalists create a fantasy world, which eventually clashes so strongly with reality, that crashes of all kinds happen (economic, political, ecological to name a few). Elections simply become spending and disinformation wars between corporations – it is doubtful they are free in any meaningful sense – successful candidates are more likely to be of some pro-corporate party simply because they will not be continually slurred in the corporately owned media and will receive better financing. In this system, elections change more or less nothing. Trump is just another slightly more erratic neoliberal, which is why he has such solid Republican backing, despite his more morally dubious actions.

Neoliberalism and Fiscal Restraint

Neoliberals constantly call for fiscal restraint from the State. However, after forty years of such demands, I know of no State which is cheaper to run than it was previously. However, nearly all neoliberal States are less helpful to the populace, and more hostile and persecutory to those they are supposed to help. It possibly could be argued that neoliberalism functions by persecuting people it considers weak outsiders, like the unemployed, refugees, despised ethnic groups or disabled people. This helps ordinary people to feel less suppressed by comparison.

The Reagan Revolution made this clear. There were massive cutbacks in social spending accompanied my massive increases in military spending. Neoliberals did not object to this, probably because military spending goes largely to arms manufacturers, and contractors, rather than to ordinary people. In other words it increased private profit, which is their ultimate goal. Reagan also reduced tax intake from the wealthy, on the grounds that they would now generate more income and pay more tax. Not surprisingly while tax cuts for the wealthy are always popular with the wealthy, they rarely to never increase tax revenue. Revenue fell at the same time as expenditure increased, which lead to more calls for cuts on social spending.

If one really wanted to reduce State debt, then clearly it might be possible to consider a process to make certain that corporations paid at least the same levels of tax on their profits that ordinary people do on incomes, rather than much less, zero, or even negative tax. You also would not put masses of effort into chasing small abuses of public funding when you could put the same effort into pursuing large abuses. Lowering tax evasion and avoidance by the wealthy, could then lower everyone’s tax burden, which is supposed to be the aim of the exercise. However, in neoliberalism, it is considered great if the burden of the State is shifted onto the middle class, and that wealthy people get to pay less and less tax so they increase their wealth and power.

During this period, regulations for the populace and the power of the security state have increased, causing impingements on liberty for normal people. Life has been overtaken by neoliberal form filling, as government departments try to make sure they have not helped non-wealthy people by accident, and that everything has been done as cheaply as possible, with the least encouragement of liberty.

Privatisation (especially of profitable services) increased, but it has rarely cost the government less, although they lose power and income, while it boosts the power and influence of business over people.

Neoliberals also tend to support charitable organisations rather than people’s rights to services, probably because charitable organisations, especially religious ones, have a great tendency to interfere in the lives and liberties of those they are charitable towards, while not impinging on the lives of the wealthy. This history of interference was one of the reasons for the workers’ interest in State provided services as a mode of liberty.

Fiscal responsibility for neoliberals comes down to less money spent by the State helping, or enabling, ordinary people, and more money spent on corporate subsidies, time wasting, and defence of corporate power.

Conclusion

To equate market liberty to full liberty is almost comic. It is reductive, deceptive and only enabling of the power of wealth and corporate organisation – which is why market friendly States tend to give subsidies to the already successful and strip them away from the less fortunate. In practice market liberty proposes that the non-wealthy are inferior and only deserve constraint.

The market, left to itself, enables hierarchy, plutocracy, consumption and obedience rather than liberty. This is why the idea is useful for the promotion, and sacralisation, of corporate power.

These comments continue in: Neoliberal Liberty and the Small State

Problems of Transition 07: Neoliberalism and Developmentalism

November 9, 2019

Continuing the series from the previous post….

Of these two political and economic movements (Neoliberalism and Developmentalism), Developmentalism is the oldest, but has since the 1980s been blended with Neoliberalism. As powerful movements and ideas, they can form obstacles to transition.

Developmentalism

Developmentalism can be argued to have its origin in the UK with coal-powered industrialisation and mass steel manufacture, which formed a reinforcing positive feedback loop; steel manufacture helped implement industrialization and also increased military capacity to allow plunder of resources from colonies. Industrialization helped increase demand for steel. Fossil fuel energy was cheap with a high Energy Return on Energy Input. This loop provided a model for the ‘development’ of other countries, partially to protect themselves from possible British incursion.

While the UK’s development was developed alongside and with capitalism, capitalism was not essential for development, as was shown by developmentalism elsewhere. The earliest deliberate developmentalism was probably in Bismark’s Germany, followed by Meiji Japan, neither of which were capitalist in any orthodox sense. Japan rapidly became a major military power defeating both Russia and China. Revolutionary Russia also pursued developmentalism, and after the second world war developmentalism took off in the ex-colonial world becoming the more or less universal model for progress, or movement into the future, and flourished in many formally different economic systems.

During the 1980s, but especially with the collapse of European Communism, and the birth of the so-called ‘Washington Consensus’, developmentalism became more strongly tied to international capitalism, and especially neoliberal capitalism. We can call this ‘neoliberal developmentalism’.

Neoliberalism 1

As I have argued elsewhere, neoliberalism is the set of policies whose holders argue in favour of liberty in free markets, but who (if having to make a choice), nearly always support established corporate plutocracy and appear to aim to destroy all political threats to that plutocracy.

Developmentalism and ecology

Developmentalism was built on fossil fuel use, and economic growth through cheap pollution and cheap ecological destruction. It also often involved large scale sacrifice of poorer people, who were generally considered backward and expendable in the quest for national greatness. Sometimes it is said that in the future succesful development will mean less poisoning, destruction and sacrifice, but the beautiful future may be continually postponed, as it was with communism.

Developmentalism was also often ruthlessly competative in relationship to other states and the pursuit of cheap resources. Developing countries often blame developed countries for their poverty, and this may well be historically true, as their resources were often taken elsewhere for little benefit to their Nation. Many developing countries also argue that they have the right to catch up with the developed world, through the methods the developed world used in the past. It is their turn to pollute and destroy. If this idea is criticised, then it usually becomes seen an attempt to keep them poverty ridden and to preserve the developed world’s power.

Developmentalism is related to neoliberal capitalism via the idea that you have to have continuing economic growth to have social progress, and that social progress is measured in consumerism and accumulated possessions. However, after a point neoliberalism is about the wealthy accumulating possessions, it does not mind other people loosing possessions if that is a consequence of its policy. Both the developing and developed world have developed hierarchies which tend to be plutocratic – development tends to benefit some more than others.

After the 1980s with the birth of neoliberal developmentalism, the idea of State supported welfare and development for the people was largely destroyed as developing States could not borrow money without ‘cutting back’ on what was decreed to be ‘non-essential’ spending. The amount of environmental destruction, pollution and greenhouse gas emissions also rocketed from that period onwards, despite the knowledge of the dangers of climate change and ecological destruction. The market became a governing trope of development, as it was of neoliberalism.

Neoliberalism 2: The theory of Free Markets

In theory, ‘free markets’ are mechanisms of efficiently allocating resources and reducing all needs and values to price, or messages about price.

Theory does not always work, because large-scale markets are nearly always political systems rather than natural or impersonal systems.

Big or successful players in the market nearly always attempt to structure the market in their favour. Wealth grants access to all other forms of power such as violence, communicative, informational, legal, ethical, organisational, religious and so on. If there is no State, then successful players will found one to protect their interests and property. If there is a State they will collaborate with others to take it over to further protect their interests and property.

Everything that diminishes profit, especially profit for established power, is to be attacked as a corruption of the market and therefore immoral and to be suppressed. If people protest at not having food, or at being poisoned by industry, they are clearly immoral and not working hard enough. Political movements which oppose the plutocracy or its consequences may have their means of operation closed down, or find it difficult to communicate their ideas accurately through the corporate owned media. The market ends up being patterned by these politics.

For example, neoliberal free markets always seem to allow employers to team up to keep wages down, as that increases profit, and render Union action difficult as that impedes the market.

While these actions may not always have the desired consequences, the market, at best, becomes efficient in delivering profits, but only rarely in delivering other values. Thus people without money are unlikely to have food, or good food, delivered to them. Indeed those people may well be sacrificed to efficiently feed others who have both more than enough food and more disposable wealth, and hence who make more profits for the sellers.

Through these processes, there is an ongoing transfer of wealth from the poor to the rich, increased by the power relations of plutocracy.

In plutocracies, it is normal to think that the poor are clearly stupid or not worth while, rather than they have lost a political battle, or been unfortunate.

Neoliberalism and ecology

If it is profitable to transfer the costs of ecological destruction onto the less powerful, and less wealthy, public then it will be done as with other costs. The cost and consequences of destruction will not be factored into the process, and this will give greater profit.

Even, leaving the natural world in a state in which it can regenerate becomes counted as a cost. If it is cheaper to destroy and move on, most businesses will do this, especially the more mobile wealth becomes. For example, I was told yesterday that on some Pacific Islands, overseas fishing companies bought fishing rights to sea cucumbers (which are extremely valuable given the prices I saw in some shops). They took all the sea cucumbers they could, threw the smallest onto the beach to die, and moved on, leaving the area more or less empty. They had no ties to the place, or to the regeneration of local ecologies. The whole ecology of the islands could collapse as a result of this profit taking, but only the Islanders suffer in the short term.

Likewise spewing poison is good for business as it is cheaper than preventing it. Neoliberal governments will support or even encourage powerful pollutors, if they are established members of the plutocracy, as President Trump is demonstrating nearly every day. These pollutors and destroyers have wealth and can buy both government support and politicians in general. They can pay for campaigns and propaganda. They can promise easy well paid jobs in their industry, and those people who were politicians and are now in the industry demonstrate the benefits of this position and are persuasive. Within neoliberalism, with wealth as the prime marker of success, the destructive business people are also considered virtuous and superior people, so the destruction they produce must also be virtuous.

In this situation, objecting to cheap ecological destruction, or proposing ways of preventing such destruction becomes seen as an attack on the powerful and on morality of the system in general.

One of my friends who studies neoliberalism, seems to be coming to the view that neoliberalism’s first political success came about in the 1970s through opposing the idea of Limits to Growth, and supporting ideas of capitalist expansion through endless technological innovation and creativity. This movement assumes that (within capitalism) desired, or needed, technological innovation will always occur, and be implemented, with no dangerous unintended consequences. This seems unlikely to always be true, and to be primarily based in fantasy and wish-fulfillment. It was also probably more attractive to voters than voluntary austerity. It allowed the continuance of ‘development’.

If this is the case, then neoliberals (rather than Conservatives) have been implicated in anti-ecological thinking from the begining.

The UK and Germany actually have Conservative parts in the mainstream Right, and they seem relatively happy with moving from coal into renewables – so we are not talking about every form of capitalism being equally destructive.

In Australia, neoliberalism is reinforced by the learnt dependence of the official economy on resources exports – whether agricultural or mineral, both of which have tended to destroy or strain Australian ecologies. Most Australians think mining is much more important to the economy than it is, expecially after all the subsidies and royalty and tax evasions are factored in. This visions of success implies that destruction is probably acceptable. Australia is big after all, and most people never see the sites of destruction, even if they have large scale consequences.

These processes have lead to a power imbalance in Australia, in which the mining sector calls the shots, and boasts of its power to remove prime ministers. It not only creates loyalty, but also terror.

Renewables, less cheap pollution, less cheap destruction of ecologies, less poisoning, are threats to established ways of ‘developing’, and to be hindered, even if they are ‘economically’ preferable, or succesful in the market.

In this situation, it is perfectly natural that other forms of economy, or activities which could potentially restructure the economy and disrupt the plutocracy, should be stiffled by any means available. In this case, this includes increasing regulation on renewable energy, suggesting that more subsidies will be given to new fossil fuel power, and increasing penalties for protesting against those supporting, or profiting from, fossil fuels.

In Australia, Labor is rarely much better than the Coalition in this space, as the fuss after the last election has clearly shown. It is being said that they failed because they did not support coal or the aspirations of voters to succeed in plutocracy, and they vaguely supported unacceptable ‘progressive’ politics.

Neoliberalism as immortality project

This constant favouring of established wealth, leads to the situation in which people with wealth think they will be largely immune to problems if they maintain their wealth (and by implication shuffle the problems onto poorer people).

At the best it seems to be thought that wealthy people are so much smarter than everyone else, that they can deal with the problems, and this success with problems might trickle down to everyone else. Thus wealth has to be protected.

These factors make the plutocracy even more inward looking. Rather than observing the crumbling world, the wealthy are incentivised to start extracting more from their companies and the taxpayers, to keep them safe. They become even more prone to fantasy and to ignore realities.

Conclusion

Developmentalism and Neoliberalism constitute the major forms of policy dominating world governance, and visions of the future.

In the English speaking world neoliberalism dominates. We have more totalitarian neoliberals (Republicans, Liberals, Nationals) and more humanitarian neoliberals (Democrats, Labour etc).

In the rest of the world, developmentalism can occasionally dominate over neoliberalism (ie in China), but the idea of economic expansion and a degree of emulation of the supposed economic success of the ‘West’ remains a primary aim.

Developmentalism and Neoliberalism both establish and protect ecological destruction for wealth generation and are among the main social obstacles to a transition to renewables.

Capitalism and Authoritarianism

September 11, 2019

For me, right-wing thought is thought which tends to support hierarchy, authority, power, expansion of power, dictation over people’s personal lives and the enforcement of heavily bounded social categories. It reduces all liberty to the right to buy the products you can afford. Thus the right tends to hate egalitarianism, feminism, anti-racism and so on. They rarely support liberation movements that openly oppose capitalism. As I have argued previously they tend to use quite a lot of force to suppress free-speech, and then suppress awareness of the suppression, just as they suppress awareness of the general political shift rightwards. Right-wing thought has very little to do with conservative thought.

The left tend to favour relative egalitarianism (no one thinks everyone will be completely equal in everything, just that superiority in earning money or inheriting money, should not lead to massive inequalities of power and opportunity). They tend to favour people reclaiming their power and being treated as important politically. They tend to think that the State should not regulate your sex and recreational life, and so on.

I’d add that both modes of thought, tend to be non-systemic and have only a few solutions to problems, and they tend to think that if their policy is not working this must be because:

  • Somebody is deliberately working to prevent the policy being successful.
  • They have not applied the policy strongly enough.

They both tend not to think that unintended consequences are normal and need looking out for, and adjusting one’s actions for. They tend to think knowledge is complete and causality is obvious. The left tends to value looking at a diversity of solutions more than the right does, but this is a fragile virtue, and easily overthrown.

Libertarians tend to think that they understand complexity issues, but they seem completely unaware of the (hopefully) unintended, but expectable, consequences of imposing ‘free markets’ in the context of corporate dominance.

Of course many people on the right are actually more leftish than they believe, and its fair enough to protest against this particular categorisation of politics, but if you look at actual Right wing politics, it tends to nanny the rich and boot the poor, or give more liberty to the already powerful and curtail the liberty of everyone else. At the best it promises to restore the exclusionary power of people who felt they were dominant, but have lost that dominance.

Is it possible to separate this kind of hierarchical and authoritarian thinking from capitalism? I suspect not. After all, libertarians, and social-democrats, have been trying for years, and capitalism has not changed. It has in fact got stronger and more severe in its politics over the last 40 years of constant chatter about the benefit of free markets. There is certainly less liberty, less ability to influence politics, less protection at work, less equity in wealth distribution, less support in misfortune, less interest in protecting essential infrastructure, unless someone makes a profit out of it. Capitalism is not incompatible with dictatorship, although that support then distorts it’s official ideology still further.

I suspect this authoritarianism occurs because capitalism is primarily about the reduction of all values and morality to profit and wealth. This always becomes support for the wealth hierarchy, disciplining the work force, keeping ordinary folk down and assuming that protecting profit is better than protecting survival and continuance. Capitalism seems to suppress empathy for others, unless there is a buck in it, as capital accumulation can generally only occur if you separate yourself from the needs of other people.

In capitalism wealth controls all the modes of power: it can buy politicians, it can buy laws, it can buy the police, it can buy the military, it can buy the media, it can buy ‘knowledge’ that suits it, it can buy the economics that suit it and so on. Almost nothing is beyond purchase, and capitalism spreads its managerial modes of organisation everywhere, even into Churches. Consequently, capitalism becomes unchallengable, taken for granted, part of our sponsored common sense. The only movement that is officially acceptable, and that has much chance of winning out, is to strengthen capitalism and intensify its effects and spread.

In this process, support for authority is so great, that unintended consequences, such as ecological destruction tend to be ignored. If destroying ecologies is what keeps the system going, then that is what the system will do to preserve its power structures. Hence, the ability of free market leaders to encourage destruction, and to try and lower the legal consequences of destruction. They do not see how they themselves are part of a bigger system they need for survival and which they are destroying, or they think that wealth and authority will protect them. Everyone else, all ordinary people, are just rubbish and should be culled, as it is their fault for having too many children or being relatively poor or something. Hence the population line they continually push.

In the contemporary world, capitalism has no serious challengers except for Islamic fundamentalism, and it is doubtful that Islam will ever have much appeal in the West in the short term, so there is no incentive whatsoever for capitalists not to support their own hierarchies and authority and impose it everywhere so as to cement that lack of opposition, their wealth and their power.

Privatising the Clean Energy Finance Corporation

August 24, 2019

The publicly owned Australian Clean Energy Finance Corporation, has been massively successful in financing clean energy, and making a profit. It is therefore being suggested it should be sold to the private sector because it “must evolve” and it should avoid “crowding out the banks,” avoid competing with the private sector and probably because the current Australian government does not like supporting renewables, or having public sector involvement in anything that is helpful to the public.

And of course we know that financiers, bankers and developers always work towards the best result in the public interest.

If privatisation happens we can predict:

1) Directors and high level executives will award themselves massive increases in salary.

2) Costs to the public will go up.

3) Employees who know what they are doing will be sacked in an efficiency drive.

4) Staff doing due diligence will be cut back likewise, because they inhibit profitable risk taking.

5) People will make profitable employment transfers from the new owner’s original corporations.

6) Public money will be transferred back to the new owners.

7) Public money will be spent on private entertainments, or invested in arcane financial products that are beyond anyone’s understanding.

8) Money will not be spent on what is best for the country but on what brings the best temporary income, or tax concessions, to the owners

9) Money will be distributed through old boys’ networks, rather than by quality.

10) Public money will be lost and the institution run down.

11) Corruption will likely become the norm.

12) All the people who moved in on it, will be very happy.

Extending private ownership, where it is not required has the potential to extend and create disorder and unintended consequences.

Protest then and now….

August 24, 2019

We were lucky when I was young. In the 1980s it is true that leaders in the English speaking world suddenly decided that supporting corporations and hitting the poor would solve all our problems, but they also were rational enough not to want atomic war and global destruction. They understood what nuclear war meant. Basically the protestors and the dominant groups were in harmony – all of us preferred not to have nuclear war and the end of the world. As a result, we all lived through this potential universal death.

Even when it came to environment, the dominant groups largely thought saving the earth was good and possible, and that if it cost a few bucks extra that could be done. Even Margaret Thatcher thought global warming should be tackled, while she was in office – even if she later thought saving capitalism was more important than saving the planet. Apparently after retiring she wrote “Kyoto was an anti-growth, anti-capitalist, anti-American project which no American leader alert to his country’s national interests could have supported.”

Apparently she was persuaded by the usual groups of people. Exxon, Koch, Cato, Institute of Economic Affairs etc. who sold her the 80s mantra, we can do everything if we just don’t get in the way of corporate profit. No work, no planning, is necessary (unless its planning to destroy the power of ordinary people).

This was the transition to the change in which leaders began to value elite profit more than survival. They cannot imagine a future without corporate capitalism and economic growth and I guess that tips them out of reason and their position becomes there is no alternative – we have to destroy everything else in order to survive. Something of a contradiction, we might think.

However, our recent leaders don’t seem even this rational. Trump for example is encouraging corporations to pollute and poison people even more than they might want. The current leader of Brazil apparently started by claiming that the land clearing he had promised for the Amazon was not happening and then trying to suppress the bearer of news:

“The state-run National Institute for Space Research (INPE) has reported a 88-per cent increase in deforestation in June year-over-year, and said that cleared area increased 278 per cent between July 2018 and July 2019.”
“Jair Bolsonaro claimed that the statistics were “lies” meant to tarnish the image of Brazil and its government. He went on to fire INPE head Ricardo Galvao after suggesting that he was working for a foreign non-profit group.”

When the massive fires arrived, he apparently first of all claimed they were not happening, despite the evidence of satellite photographs, later claiming the fires were lit by green NGOs. It seems obvious that people who wanted to clear the Amazon, and reduce oxygen, would be happy with the fires.

Our NSW government is a simple mess of contradictions, but if you want support from them, then do some land clearing, help destroy people’s lived environment in the cities for profit and you will be fine. Our two main parties in Australia, seem to want not just to maintain coal pollution, but to increase it. Again because it would profit some people.

What does money profit anyone if they loose the world to spend it in? The contradiction drives people crazy.

Faced with this lack of sense and coherence, contemporary righteous politicians seem to have decided that they will do as much destruction as possible.
If they are going down they will take the world with them, and maybe they will be wealthy enough to buy some kind of survival, or support from those who are wealthy enough to be building fortress bunkers. This is an unusual combination of psychological factors, but it is now ingrained. Maybe corporations really to select for psychopathology?

The common attitude seems to be that normal folk are disposable and easily deceived, and service directed at them is pointless – apparently these people do not share the same world or wealth. I guess this attitude could also function as a psychological defence against climate change – they might suffer or die, but we will not.

What do you do in such a situation, to fight a leadership wedded to destruction?

Mining in Australia II

July 10, 2019

There has been a recent report which suggests that fossil fuel mining in Australia accounts for 5% of global greenhouse emissions, as well as being one of the highest per capita producers or greenhouse emissions. It is possible that with the new coal and gas mines Australia could be responsible for something like 17% of Global emissions by 2030.

see RenewEconomy and The Guardian

Obviously the country hits well above its weight, and the argument that we shouldn’t do anything because our contribution to the problem is trivial, is completely wrong.

One potential response is to suggest that we are just not going to stop because its so economically important, but as previously suggested its doubtful we make that much from this type of mining, due to export of profits overseas, low royalty rates, massive tax concessions and decreasing employment in the industry.

But, if we recognised that fossil fuel mining and burning is a problem, then another possible response is “someone has to stop fossil fuel mining first, if we are going to survive in our society, and so it might as well be us.”

However, I suspect that the real question, may well be “should we go about increasing the amount of fossil fuel mining we are doing, so that we become the one of the world’s biggest exporter of emissions, and one of the biggest causes of ecological destruction on the planet, or should we begin to phase fossil fuel mining out?”

If people agree that is a real question, then we can begin to stop opening new mines, especially mines that threaten water supplies and agriculture as do the Adani mines, and the mines in the Sydney catchment areas, and when that is done we could stop expanding existing mines into agricultural regions, and then start phasing them out altogether.

If we are about to increase exports to provide 17% of global energy emissions, then it might well appear that the rest of the world is cutting back by comparison. Certainly some countries plan to phase out coal mining. So why not us as well?

This may not happen because the parties are bought by miners…. but we probably should not let corruption stop us from doing the sensible or moral thing. Behaving morally is not always easy, and won’t always make you as much money as behaving immorally.

On business confidence

July 7, 2019

Scott Morrison is following the Trump pattern attacking worker’s rights and wages, and removing environmental ‘red tape’.

Odd how business confidence nowadays seems to depend on scrapping worker’s protections and environmental care.

Is capitalism that desperate that it can no longer function without the ability to destroy everything?

Neoliberalism, the State and economic crashes

June 9, 2019

The Question

Can repeated economic crashes and collapse disprove Neoliberal positions for neoliberals?

What are neoliberals?

‘Neoliberal’ is the name given by their opponents to a collection of people and economists (Mises, Hayek, Friedman are the traditional core) who support domination by corporate capitalists, through talk of free markets and through imposition of an unrestrained capitalist state (paradoxically often by supporting the idea of a small State or a demolished State). Neoliberalism seems primarily about re-regulating markets to preserve and increase corporate domination. Some neoliberals may propose a more humanistic corporate domination, while others may propose a more total form of that domination.

‘Neoliberal’ is not a neat category, it is defined by function rather than by ideology. Democrats and Republicans, Coalition and Labor[1] can be called neoliberal, depending on their level of support for capitalist plutocracy. That few people call themselves ‘neoliberal’ does not mean the term describes nothing. The term sums up the political dynamics of corporate dominance and the ideology of its supporters.

An answer

Repeated economic crashes and collapses cannot prove neoliberalism wrong, because the official pro-free market position is that capitalism can never be harmful, never produce unintended consequences, and never fail. Failure must, as a consequence, always be explained by something supposedly outside capitalism, or outside the “free market”, such as the State, or by any attempts by workers to soften the effects of capitalism, or diminish capitalist exploitation.

Some followers of ‘Austrian economics’ (Mises, Rothbard etc.), have argued to me that the superiority of free market capitalism can be deduced from obviously real/true axioms, and that no empirical check is ever necessary as the superiority and naturalness of capitalism becomes intrinsically obvious and only denied by the willfully stupid. This position also helps people to ignore failures or to explain them as being caused by the political obstruction of perfect free markets.

However, a theory which tells you some process of organisation is always the best, cannot fail and is only disrupted by ‘others’ is pretty clearly ideological. When Communists say communism does not display its full democratic glory only because of the actions of paid capitalist subversives, this ideological factor becomes clear to most people.

Capitalism as the State

Perfect capitalist non-State based free markets, as promoted by neoliberals, have never existed, because the State is part of the capitalist system. There is no known species of capitalism which does not have a State to protect capitalist forms of private property, capitalist types of market, extreme inequalities of wealth, and capitalist power. States have, largely through violence, also helped the establishment of capitalism through dispossessing people from their land and helping to stop people from being self-supporting so they have to become wage labourers and dependent on wage-payers.

In Capitalism, wealth not only becomes the primary token of virtue but it allows its possessors, as a class, to buy politicians, buy the State, buy the laws, buy the violence, buy the religions, buy the education, buy the media and buy public information generally (nearly all media is owned by corporations, and the media that is not corporately owned is constantly threatened). Through information control, PR, media and advertising, pro-capitalism becomes a form of “common-sense”.

Consequently, wherever there are successful capitalists, they attempt to take over the State (even if it was previously non-capitalist), or establish a State, to help protect themselves and regulate markets to benefit the corporate elites and discipline workers. Unrestrained capitalists always produce a capitalist State. The big contribution of Neoliberalism to this takeover has been to try and obscure the connection between business and the State, so as to shift blame away from capitalism.

In the neoliberal capitalist State, the idea of “free markets” is used to argue that the corporate sector must not be inhibited in any way, or by anything such as worker’s rights, as these disrupt the workings and perfection of a (non-existent) free market. Observation will show you that supposed libertarians will almost always vocally and hostilely oppose anything that could benefit workers, or give them some liberty from business control, and largely ignore regulations or subsidies that support the corporate sector. Neoliberal ‘liberty’ is always about the liberty of those with resources, although neoliberals usually do not say this as they would lose popular support.

Unrestrained capitalism always produces plutocracy. Hence it tends to be heavily promoted and supported by the rich. Capitalism almost always ends up undermining the liberty that it claims to promote.

The conditions we observe today of corporate domination, curtailed liberty, incoherent policy, an unresponsive State that people feel separated from, stagnant or declining wages and conditions, and massive environmental destruction, are probably what we could expect from the pro “free market” talk that we have been bombarded with over the last 40 years. Capitalism without regulation is, in reality, a contradiction in terms; an impossibility, or a joke.

[There are occasions in which other classes, or wild parties, can gain partial control over the State, but they generally end up protecting some corporations; we don’t have to assume the wealthy are always unified, although they will probably tend to support their class in general.]

The State and economic failure

Because there is no capitalism without a State, and neoliberal capitalism pretends it is different from the State it controls, neoliberals can always blame the State, and its unsuccessful attempts to prop up industries and finance, for any economic collapse or the hardship that anyone suffers to lower the costs of business (like mutilation and injury at work, wages too low to live on, no health care, heavy pollution, etc.).

Capitalists can also point to the failure of Communist States to prove capitalism is the best system going. This is hardly logical, as the failure of Communist States could equally be evidence of the wonderful success of Byzantine forms of State organisation. Neoliberal apologists then appear to confuse post-world-war II mixed economies and Nordic Socialism with communism, rather than seeing them as States where people had some participatory role in controlling their lives. This becomes part of the capitalist common sense, promoted by capitalist media.

These ideological non-falsifiable positions make it harder to restrain economic collapse, or even to observe how businesses generate collapse through the ways they pursue profit, organize themselves, pursue internal and external corruption, distort information for economic purposes, or use the State to keep themselves going.

The Neoliberal ‘Small State’

Neoliberals claim that because the State is always to blame, rather than business no matter how corrupt or stupid, it must be diminished. However, their ways of making the State small, always end up (possibly unintentionally) being about diminishing the power of ordinary people to oppose corporate domination. This is one reason why the State constantly expands while being controlled by people who talk about making the State small. They cut back social insurance, medical assistance, pensions, anti-pollution controls, working conditions, health regulations at work, etc., while massively expanding the military (subsidies to arms manufacturers etc.), using expensive private contracting, subsidizing already wealthy private schools, boosting tax concessions for wealthy people, extensively policing the workers or poor people heavily while giving liberty to the rich to rip people off, and so on. Again this is because actions by the working or middle classes that might curtail, or seriously challenge, corporate power are said to interfere with the completely fictitious and beneficial “free market”. [2]

Neoliberalism opposes any efforts to constrain the generation of climate change and its growing effects on the middle and lower classes, because that would interfere with the free market and the power of some corporations and wealthy individuals. If people die from bad health care or corporately generated disaster, that is their fault for not being wealthy enough to avoid it.

With neoliberal small State policies, the State usually becomes much more oppressive and useless for most people, and many can be persuaded to support making the State even ‘smaller’ and less useful to them.

Concluding Remarks

Neoliberals can be distinguished from anarchists, because anarchists recognise that corporate capitalism involves concentrated power, and they challenge that power.[3] Neoliberals can also be distinguished from real conservatives who recognize that capitalism often destroys tradition and virtue for profit.

Neoliberalism is an ideology of transcendent value imposed by money, experts and capitalist hangers-on with no regard for empirical reality, or attention to the ways capitalism is dysfunctional. It is, at best, a set of good intentions which produces harsh consequences for most people. It is designed to help its followers avoid noticing the ill effects of capitalism, and so cannot be disproved by those ill-effects.

NOTES

[1] The supposedly left wing Labor Party introduced neoliberal policies to Australia by floating the currency, privatising State-owned institutions, removing tariffs and so on, with many ‘humanistic’ qualities such as working public health, good social services, and a wages accord between unions and business. It has proven very easy to dissolve this humanistic framework in favour of corporate dominance. Support for ordinary people seems incompatible with neoliberalism; such support must be attacked. It has been argued that the neoliberal military coup in Chile demonstrates that neoliberalism is, however, completely compatible with dictatorship, violence and terror.

[2] Given that ideas about the free market function entirely to justify corporate dominance, then if the dominance of particular factions is better served by imposing tariffs, controlling prices, inhibiting competition, or providing taxpayer subsidies then this can be done. Sometimes this is done at the same time as praising free markets.

[3] It should be noted that plenty of trade and exchange has occurred without a State, but these systems are not capitalist. If you want learn how to establish a ‘market’ without a State, then you need to read some anthropology.