Posts Tagged ‘neoliberalism’

Three Periods of Globalisation??

April 20, 2021

World societies, especially large scale societies, have almost always been global to some extent, with people trading and interacting over most of the globe for a long time. So any kind of modern periodisation is bound to be inaccurate. Think of this post as an experiment, and please offer corrections.

One set of modern periodisations can be described as Colonisation, Post Colonial and Neoliberal:

First Period: Colonisation and Imperialism from about the 16th Century.

In this period, globalisation largely exists in terms of benefit for the coloniser/conqueror, and depends on the relative military strength and fast transport developed in the West, and a ruthless and expansionary politics, brought about by an apparent need to increase access to resources, and a relative peace and stability amongst the dominant groups in European countries (particularly after the mid 17th Century) which helped reduce the internal feudal battles for land.

This form of globalisation involves mass movements of people both forced and relatively voluntary. First there is the collaboration of European merchants and Islamic slavers boosting the African slave trade, at the demand of the Europeans, almost unimaginably and, at a lesser level, Europeans using transported convicts and indentured labour to work ‘new’ conquered lands. Consequently, there is massive dispossession of people from their traditional lands, both in the Europe (particularly the UK with the enclosure movement dispossessing traditional farmers into the cities) and much more harshly in the Americas with the destruction and plunder of South and North American Civilisations. Many of the people dispossessed in Europe moved to the conquered lands, as there seemed only a miserable future at home, and further occupy or steal those lands. Some suggest this era sees the birth of ‘white racism’, as the conquerors needed a justification for the theft, and to prevent conversion of slaves meaning they were now part of Christendom and no longer slaves.

In summary, this period is fueled by violent theft, dispossession, slavery, plunder of gold, silver and land in the Americas, eventually moving on to theft elsewhere such as in Africa, or India, in the latter case, largely through the depredations of the East India Company and the British Government, officially trying to reign in the company. The period ends in the First World War, some suggest because the European powers had run out of planet to despoil, and is largely destroyed by the Second World War.

Second Period: post-Colonialism, post-WWII globalism

This short period is entwined with the ‘Cold War’, ‘developmentalism’, ‘modernisation’, and ‘socialism’ with developmentalism being welcomed on all sides of politics, and begins to come to an end with the oil shock and stagflation in the 1970s. This can also be considered to be the post-colonial period with many places regaining independence, while still being overshadowed by the effects of the previous period.

Basically, throughout the world, the Western US model dominated, even the communist states seemed to think that American life was worthy of emulation. This was the era of ‘scientific management’, which led in some cases to ‘accidental’ disasters such as the ‘green revolution’ or the growing of monocrops with artificial fertilisers, insecticides, and dispossession of small farmers in favour of industrial agriculture. The era consolidates progress towards the contemporary ecological crisis, but at the same raised considerable opposition and popular left wing movements against corporate domination, which had to be stopped before they threatened dominant interests. The new post-colonial states also sought to become a movement independent of the West and the oil shock can be seen as partly about showing the West it did not run everything any more. There were relatively large scale movements of colonised people into the the colonising states, which slowly began to be used to provoke internal tensions, and slow down socialism.

Third Period: The Triumph of Neoliberalism,

During the 1980s, neoliberalism began to become dominant, mostly as a solution to popular radicalism, with a kind of leave-it-to-efficient-markets globalism or the ‘Washington consensus’. However, this consensus was rejected by some successful Asian States such as Singapore. This third stage resulted in the return of financial instability, growing national inequality and increasing power for large scale business. Most places were now trapped in a global market run for business, and held to strict rules of expenditure (especially if they had debt). Sovereignty of small states was precarious because of these rules. Popular socialism was suppressed and effectively died. Mainstream left wing political parties moved to the right, to gain corporate funding. Despite growing knowledge of the ecological and climate crisis and agreements aimed at stopping the destruction, companies and governments continued the practices that boosted destruction and profit.

A left-wing anti-globalist movement developed which was opposed to the corporate and market dominance of the world, and the apparent inability of democratic states to curtail corporate power. This later mutated into the Global Justice Movement, which largely collapsed in the 2000s.

The power of globalism may well have led into a boosting of national social categories as a form of defense mechanism. Fundamentalist Islam became global (partly in response to western warfare in the middle east), as did growing nationalism and purity movements, and right-wing Christian evangelism. Right wing anti-globalisation took off in the 2010s – the popular forms aiming to boost national sovereignty, tighten borders and defend nationalist social categories, in a form of retreat or defense of the home from global pressures. The more elite forms of right wing anti-globalisation take advantage of this movement with the aim of removing any democratic governance of corporations, allocation of responsibility to corporations, remove countries from international agreements and responsibilities (such as preventing US citizens for being tried for war crimes), and to weaken national sovereignty through agreements like the Energy Charter Treaty, except when nationalism acts to get people supporting them.

A significant technological change in this era, building upon colonialism, was speed of transport. At the beginning of the second period, most people still moved across the globe by ship, by the third period, this moved into air transport. Electronic communication began in the second period, but came into popular usage in this period, linking people all over the globe, building new alliances, new conflicts, and furthering both new forms of knowledge and ignorance, while allowing the quick global transfer of money – which fostered new forms of speculative trading, and new forms of financial peril. The speed of transport boosted the likelihood of pandemic explosions, but this was largely held in check until COVID-19.

The era muddied on through completely unnecessary wars such as GW Bush’s war on Iraq – supposedly in response to the 9/11 attacks, and against truly massive popular opposition which was completely ignored. This war did not bring glory as intended, but (as predicted by many) massively destabilised the “Middle East,” as large numbers of people (possibly millions) living in the area were maimed or killed and societies rendered precarious and vulnerable to fundamentalist warfare. The war lost the USA much power and status, as well as costing billions of dollars and distracting from its real challenges. The wars overlapped with the financial crisis, dispossession of US home owners, and the taxpayer rescue of inefficient and corrupt companies, adding further stress and weakness to the USA as well, which helped compound the destabilisation.

We are still in this third phase, but it is changing with the growing dominance of China, and the growing decay of stability and consensus in the US, the apparent running down of the EU with Brexit, and the failure by anyone in the world to deal with Climate Change, Covid or economic instability.

Conclusion

Whatever the violence of the causes, and whatever happens in the future, we are now in a thoroughly global word. Wherever we humans live, we cannot be isolated from what happens in the rest of the world, and so need to pay attention to it, whether we wish to withdraw into our own borders and cultures, as a form of security, or not. The world stands together or falls apart.

A note on neoliberalism and ignorance

April 18, 2021

Neoliberals put faith in the virtues of the market they structure to favour established corporations. They call this “THE market,” or “THE free market” so people may not wonder if markets can be structured in any other way or any significantly different way. The “THE” implies this market is the only type of market there is, the only type possible. So this is one form of ignorance that neoliberals create – there are, and have been, many types of markets and societies in human history. There is no reason we could not have a more egalitarian, less destructive, more sustainable, or effective, market – or even all of these at once…

This particular form of ignorance is fundamental to neoliberal power, and could be said to be cultivated. However, there are other indirect types of ignorance or misinformation that circulate because of neoliberalism.

For example. Let us assume we accept the idea that THE market is the perfect information processor as Hayek and others have argued. Then:

Putting faith in this market as the arbiter of truth means that it is impossible to distinguish hype from reality, other than by success. Truth is what works in the market so, if hype works and produces profit or defers the business collapse of the hypers, then the hype is effectively or ‘pragmatically ‘true’, no matter how much destruction is caused, or how false the statements.

Attempts by humans to gain knowledge are useless, or pointless, as human knowledge cannot contain (or process) the information of THE market, so ignorance is to be valued, other than when it is used to constrain the market. As all knowledge is ignorance, other than knowledge that THE market is the best we can do, then all other knowledge is to be disallowed, especially if it contradicts the perfections of THE market.

If knowledge is pointless. then it is not worth having. Neoliberals truly did not need to know about coronavirus. Neoliberals did not need to know how we have slowed pandemics in the past. Neoliberals did not need to know about the consequences of ecological destruction. Neoliberals do not need to know about Climate Change. Neoliberals do not need to know about poverty, or the condition of the working poor. Indeed Neoliberals need everyone to be as ignorant, or misinformed, on these topics as possible

All neoliberals need to know is that THE market will solve the problem (if it is a problem), if THE market is left alone to do its work, because THE market is the perfect information processor, and human knowledge is beside the point.

That is; if climate change, or the energy system, or the pandemic, is a problem then THE market will fix it, as best it is possible to hope for. If people die, that is not a problem as long as its not the hyper-wealthy.

The idea that THE market always produces the best possible, result is both Neoliberal positive thinking and positive ignorance. You can only think THE market always produces the best possible result, by cultivating ignorance of history.

For example if THE market always delivers, then the answer to any problem with government service is to privatise it. You don’t have to do any research to find out if privatisation has worked well in the past, solved the problems which were alleged, or generated efficiencies; you just know that it must have worked well. In particular you don’t have to do research in to which forms of government provided service have been replaced adequately and which have not.

The ‘perfection of THE market’ is an article of faith, which cannot be contradicted by reality. We have a true ‘Vision of the anointed,’ full of self-congratulation to use Thomas Sowell’s terms. If there was such a contradiction between reality and THE market, then THE market could not be the ultimate decider of human virtue and fate, and powerful people might be disturbed by the actions of less powerful people.

Lack of knowledge amongst ordinary people is truly a good thing, as it stops them interfering with THE market – hence Murdoch and others.

Neoliberal ignorance also depends on cultivating people’s ignorance of the idea that markets are contained within planetary ecosystems.

If anything at all is the ‘perfect information processor,’ then it is the global ecology. Anything which disrupts that ecology is likely to be eventually wiped out as the ecology moves into its new form of chaotic equilibrium – and the wipe out is likely to include THE market.

Ecologies take no notice of human requirements, or human politics, or human power. Especially if the human systems not only cultivate ignorance of the ecologies they depend upon, but attempt to destroy them or subjugate them.

Neoliberalism heads towards the destruction of everything, and celebrates the process, by blocking its ears, eyes, mouth, touch and brains.

***************

Comment

A friend writes:

How do the neoliberals square this idea of the market as always being the best approach given its failure in the dotcom bubble, and the GFC? They seem like clear counterexamples, and one only needs a single counterexample to disprove a theory.

I think that, in general, people always try and get around counter-examples rather than give up their theory, especially when its tied to their status, money, and ways of making sense of the world. However, I would agree that there seem to be a large number of counter examples as to the efficacy of THE market.

However, neoliberals always say that the crashes were caused by the government interfering with the market.

Given that the market has to have some regulation and that capitalists always seek to regulate for their own sectional benefit, they can always point to the existence of some regulation. A market which gives massively unequal wealth gives massively unequal power, and hence THE market is always structured by politics. Consequently, given the ease of blaming the government, rather than the corporately controlled market and government, they are never at a loss for a way out of the problem.

As well, the corporately owned and sponsored media tends not to blame the neoliberal, pro-corporate market for the problems of that market, and the counter examples can get hidden.

Australia made two big experiments in turning over government to private enterprise and they nearly resulted in the collapse of Victoria and West Australia.

With google I could only find one paywalled reference to Western Australia Inc. https://search.informit.org/…/INFORMIT.098371697477048

More on the Politics of Technology and Markets for electricity

April 13, 2021

In the post A New Report on the possibility of Renewable Transition, I discussed the politics of the way the Australian National Energy Market was being designed (and restricted) to maintain reliability, stability and security, and whether fossil fuels were a necessary part of that design. One of the main players in the process was the Energy Security Board.

Another main player is the government. As the reader probably knows the government is in favour of massive investment in methane gas, which is probably not that economic, and will just lock us into high levels of methane emissions, but their plan for the electricity market seems to be centered on keeping gas going.

Methane, Methane and more Methane

Angus Taylor, the Minister for Energy and Emissions Reduction, has made the backing of methane, very clear. He said:

The Government backs the gas industry, backs Australians who use gas and it backs the 850,000 Australians who rely on gas for a job. The manufacturing sector alone relies on gas for over 40 per cent of its energy needs.

Gas is a critical enabler of Australia’s economy. It supports our manufacturing sector, is an essential input in the production of plastics for PPE and fertiliser for food production. 

In 2019, we overtook Qatar to be the largest LNG exporter in the world, with an export value of $49 billion.

Australia’s energy future 29 October 2020

No mention that Australia received less than $2 billion in royalties from these sales between 2016 and 2018 under the petroleum resource rent tax (PRRT), whereas Qatar is estimated to have received $26 billion in royalties. In 2019, tax credits for oil and gas companies, taking Australian fossil fuels rose to $324 billion – that is there is $324 billion in tax the companies owe but do not have to pay [1], [2], [3]. I guess the idea is that taxpayers have to subsidise mining, and they have to keep methane gas going.

Taylor continues:

This Government will secure a future gas market that is attractive for gas development and investment. This will allow us to remain one of the top LNG exporters.

We will ensure that long-term domestic gas contract prices are internationally competitive to support our manufacturing and industrial sector.

We will ensure that there is sufficient new gas generation to maintain a reliable grid.

We have proven through the Snowy project at Kurri Kurri that the Morrison Government doesn’t bluff.

Our National Gas Infrastructure Plan will identify the major priorities for investment. If we don’t see the investment that we need to keep our gas market strong then we will act.

Australia’s energy future 29 October 2020

It is terrible when fossil fuels shut down, and the government will threaten to build methane gas powered energy, if other people will not.

ANGUS TAYLOR: What’s very clear is in the last few years, there hasn’t been enough investment in dispatchable generation [this means fossil fuels, even though coal is not ‘dispatchable’ because it is slow to ramp up or down], at the same time as we’ve seen big closures like we saw at Hazelwood in Victoria a couple of years back. So it’s that dispatchable generation, making sure there’s enough of that in the system is where it’s gone awry. Now, you know, we’re now saying to the big energy companies, if you don’t invest in that dispatchable generation, we will do it ourselves. That’s exactly what we’ve said we’ll do in the Hunter Valley at Kurri Kurri [with methane gas]. But it is true, there hasn’t been enough of that investment. Now, there has been some and it is increasing. I opened a gas generator in South Australia, for instance, around a year ago, which was has made a real difference in the South Australian grid. Helped to drive down prices, increased reliability [presumably unlike the batteries?]. But we need to see more of that. And if the private sector doesn’t do it, we’ll step in. That’s exactly what we said we’ll do in the Hunter Valley.

Interview with Luke Grant, 2GB, 5 January 2021

Conflict and Cancelling

The government argues that the closure of the Liddell power station…

will leave NSW 1000 megawatts short of electricity. Others dispute this, including the agencies tasked with regulating and maintaining the energy system: the Australian Energy Market Operator and the Energy Security Board.

KERRY SCHOTT, CHAIR, ENERGY SECURITY BOARD: The operator AEMO who keeps a close watch on the availability and what they need in the system, has said that there’s a gap when Liddell goes in 2023 of about 200 megawatts or so.

Fired Up. 4 Corners, 12 Apr 2021

This is a fair difference, and this perhaps sets the ESB, the AEMO and the government on a collision course.

Last night the ABC program, 4 corners, reported that:

Four Corners understands the federal government became so frustrated with the Energy Security Board chief’s refusal to support their position on gas that the minister’s departmental secretary called Kerry Schott and urged her to resign.

KERRY SCHOTT, CHAIR, ENERGY SECURITY BOARD: It was a private discussion

MICHAEL BRISSENDEN, REPORTER: Right, so there was pressure on you though?   

KERRY SCHOTT, CHAIR, ENERGY SECURITY BOARD:  Oh, there’s always pressure on me.   

Fired Up. 4 Corners, 12 Apr 2021

So no confirmation or denial from Schott.

MICHAEL BRISSENDEN, REPORTER:  Why did your head of department call Kerry Schott and suggest she resign?

 ANGUS TAYLOR, FEDERAL ENERGY MINISTER:  Well, he didn’t. So I reject that, absolutely. But what I will say is that there was an independent review of the ESB that proposed and recommended the abolition of the ESB.  Obviously, there was discussion about how best to respond to that recommendation. We’ve ultimately made the decision we want to support the ESB to completing the 2025 market design work. This is a crucial piece of work about the future of our electricity grid. And we strongly supported Kerry to lead that work.

Fired Up. 4 Corners, 12 Apr 2021

There were other stories of pressure

MICHAEL BRISSENDEN, REPORTER: Four Corners has also been told that last year the minister personally intervened to try to pressure the head of the Australian Energy Market Operator to change its forecasts, which were unfavourable to gas.

AEMO boss Audrey Zibelman refused to do so.

MICHAEL BRISSENDEN, REPORTER: AEMO’s Integrated Systems Plan published in July last year also makes a clear case that if gas is going to compete with batteries in electricity generation, the price will need to be well below $4 gigajoule by 2030 and beyond. And that battery charging costs would need to stop falling. Now, why did you feel it necessary to try to pressure Audrey Zibelman to change those conclusions? 

ANGUS TAYLOR, FEDERAL ENERGY MINISTER: Well, look at the end of the day, there has to be a balance in the system and gas is part of that balance. Batteries can play a particular role over shorter durations, particularly in that period when you’ve got destabilization of the grid, we’ve seen batteries play an enormously important role, but the longer duration storage or the longer duration backup overnight or during periods when we’re getting less sunshine or wind, we actually need a source of energy … Can I just, is that me? Sorry, mate. I have no choice. 

MICHAEL BRISSENDEN, REPORTER: The bells signaled a parliamentary vote and cut our interview with the Minister short.

Fired Up. 4 Corners, 12 Apr 2021

Market design in practice

The ESB’s Market Design Options Paper has now been handed to Angus Taylor. RenewEconomy comments:

there is serious concern about the lack of transparency in this process and [for] the creation of a new [market] structure that leaves Taylor in apparent sole arbiter of the process, acting for a government which has been opposed to wind and solar and which has mocked new technologies such as big batteries.

Vorrath. Taylor reportedly put pressure on Schott and Zibelman over gas plans RenewEconomy 13 April 2021

It is possible the States will object:

MATT KEAN, NSW ENERGY MINISTER: Let’s get the facts on the table: using gas to create electricity is a really expensive way to do it. If you’re interested in driving down electricity prices, then you’d be mad to use gas….

The cheapest way to now deliver electricity or energy, is a combination of wind, solar, pumped hydro, and renewable technologies. So it’s not fossil fuels, it’s now cleaner energy. Those people defending old technologies are the equivalent of defending Blockbuster in a Netflix world.

Fired Up. 4 Corners, 12 Apr 2021

DAN VAN HOLST PELLEKAAN, SA ENERGY MINISTER: We’ll use less and less gas over the time. We have four grid-scale batteries operating at the moment in South Australia, we have two more already established to, started construction, and we’ll get more and more of those.

Fired Up. 4 Corners, 12 Apr 2021

And that methane gas might be replaced with hydrogen

DAN VAN HOLST PELLEKAAN We in South Australia actually have the largest hydrogen electrolyzer in the nation operating at the moment in Tonsley, in the Southern suburbs of Adelaide. It’s actually a relatively small one at 1.25 megawatts, but it’s the largest in Australia. We are right at the leading edge of that, and it’s all operating from renewable energy. So we are determined to deliver, well, we’re determined to produce, and to consume, and to export green hydrogen in South Australia.

Fired Up. 4 Corners, 12 Apr 2021

Another view on whether methane gas is useful for leading recovery

A Grattan Institute report argues that:

Far from fuelling the recovery from the COVID recession, natural gas will inevitably decline as an energy source for industry and homes in Australia…

The east coast has already burned most of its low-cost gas, and will not go back to the good old days of low prices…

Even if the Government could significantly reduce gas prices, the benefits to manufacturing are overstated. The companies that would benefit most contribute only about 0.1 per cent of gross domestic product, and employ only a little more than 10,000 people. And much of this gas-intensive industry is in Western Australia, which has low gas prices already.

Flame out: the future of natural gas. Grattan Institute 15 November 2020

They suggest that gas has a role as:

a ‘backstop’ for the power system – used for relatively short bursts to maintain reliability…, [but this] contrasts strongly with the idea of gas as a ‘transition fuel’…

This [backstop] role doesn’t need lots of gas or cheap gas, but it does require flexible gas. The Federal Government’s recently announced policies focus on supporting new gas production and pipelines…., but these require relatively constant gas demand to keep average costs as low as possible

https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Flame-out-Grattan-report.pdf

A later report from the same organisation claims:

moving to a system with 70 per cent renewable energy – and closing about two-thirds of today’s coal-fired power plants – would not materially increase the cost of power but would dramatically reduce emissions….

The economic modelling suggests that moving to a system with 90 per cent renewable energy – and no coal – could also be reliable. But some additional costs – such as more generation, transmission, and storage – would be necessary to ensure supply…

Gas is likely to play the critical backup role, though not an expanded role. Australia will make a gas-supported transition to a net-zero emissions electricity system – but not a ‘gas-led recovery’ from the COVID recession.

Go for net zero: A practical plan for reliable, affordable, low-emissions electricity. Grattan Institute, 11 April 2021

Gas and modernising the grid

The determination to force more methane gas on to Australia, to counter predicted declines, is probably the reason that Angus Taylor has been so hostile to the idea that the electricity grid needs modernising and expanding, to deal with the energy transition and the kinds of ‘solar traffic jams‘ we have discussed before.

The Australian Energy Market Operator’s offered a 20-year blueprint, known as the ‘Integrated System Plan’ (ISP) and the Labor party pledged $20 billion to modernise the grid to support the the plan [2].

Taylor tweeted that:

The ISP had been recommended by the Finkel Review and endorsed by all governments at the Coag Energy Council which Taylor chairs.

AEMO has made it clear that these upgrades are essential to modernise the grid, and improve reliability and security, with the happy bonus that it will cut emissions and keep down prices. 

Parkinson. “Lines to nowhere:” Taylor mocks ISP and Labor’s $20bn grid plan. RenewEconomy, 8 October 2020

So it seems clear the government, at this moment, do not want the grid improved so that the transition can work better. This may be because they don’t want to do anything to help further the decrease of fossil fuels, because they don’t to risk public money on something constructive, or they just don’t believe there is a climate problem and we can keep on with fossil fuels endlessly.

Conclusion

The question then is whether politics can hamper and disrupt supposed ‘economic reality’. I’d argue it can. It has mainly been politics that has delayed response to climate change, and which makes it hard to expect that we can now solve the problem before facing major disruption, and that has continually involved weirding markets to favour the old ways.

Grant King and the Climate Change Authority

April 10, 2021

After looking at the Misfortunes of Malcolm, we can now look at another board, this one appointed by the Federal Government, that seems to be getting by with only half hearted protest….

The Climate Change Authority has a long and chequered history.

In 2014, it recommended the government set a 2030 climate target equivalent to a 45-60% cut in emissions below 2005 levels. The Coalition ignored the advice, setting a 26-28% reduction target.

Cox. A ‘win’ for fossil fuels: green groups critical as former Origin Energy boss named chief of climate body. The Guardian 9 April 2021

The Coalition tried to abolish the Authority and failed, so cut funding and staff.

CEO of the Climate Change Authority, Brad Archer, told a senate estimates hearing in February that the Morrison government has not asked the body to undertake any new work and has not been asked to complete any modelling or research into what may be required to transition Australia to a zero net emissions economy.

Mazengarb. Taylor slammed for “stacking gas lobbyists” on Climate Change Authority. RenewEconomy 9 April 2021

However the Federal government recently appointed, as its head, Grant King, well known for being the former CEO of Origin Energy, and a persistent advocate for the methane industry.

Dan Goucher of the Australasian Centre for Corporate Responsibility said:

Under his leadership, Origin forcefully opposed credible climate policy. During his tenure on their boards, the Business Council of Australia and the Australian Petroleum Production and Exploration Association (APPEA) campaigned to repeal the carbon tax, the only effective policy Australia has ever had to reduce emissions

O’Malley ‘Uniquely unsuited’: Government accused of stacking climate body with fossil interests. Sydney Morning Herald, 9 April 2021

The Australia Institute remarks

King was responsible for initiating Asia Pacific LNG,  the largest Queensland coal seam gas LNG project which has resulted in well over 200 million tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions already, which will rise to well over one billion tonnes over the life of the project

O’Malley ‘Uniquely unsuited’: Government accused of stacking climate body with fossil interests. Sydney Morning Herald, 9 April 2021

King was also on the board of the Australian Petroleum Production & Exploration Association (APPEA), which has campaigned strongly against climate action, and described itself as “the effective voice of Australia’s upstream oil and gas industry on the issues that matter“. It needs to be said that this body is more radical than the Government as they claim:

Policies should achieve emissions reductions consistent to achieve net zero emissions across the Australian economy by 2050 as part of a contribution to a goal of global net zero emissions by 2050. The Australian Government has the responsibility to set interim targets and for the policy framework that meets them.

APPEA Australia’s cleaner energy future, p2.

In counterposition, the Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, told the National Press Club:

Our goal is to reach net zero emissions as soon as possible, and preferably by 2050.

Morrison. Address to the National Press Club, Barton ACT, 1 Feb 2021

Which might be said to mean, as soon as possible as late as possible ?? No interim targets have been mentioned.

Perhaps unsurprisingly the APPEA recommend more gas, and the money consuming fantasy of Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS).

The Minister for Emissions Reduction, Angus Taylor, described Mr King as:

a thought leader who has already made a significant contribution to the development of Australia’s emissions reduction policy framework

Taylor. Appointments to the Climate Change Authority, Press Release 9 April 2021

Which means, I suppose, that Mr King can be reliably expected to go along with Mr Taylor’s views.

The new board will also include Susie Smith, who was a long serving executive for the gas company Santos (who have large projected and new projects in Australia, one of which has been described as so rich in CO2 that it “looks more like a CO2 emissions factory with an LNG by-product.”) She is also head the Australian Industry Greenhouse Network, which has been heavily pro-fossil fuels, and some members once apparently called themselves the “Greenhouse Mafia“.

King and Smith have previously worked together on the ‘King Review’ which recommended CCS, and that ARENA and the CEFC not to be constrained to supporting only clean energy projects. The Review’s consultations have been described as being “heavily stacked towards representatives of big industrial emitters and the fossil fuel industry.”

Independent MP, Zali Steggall, said:

These new appointments are completely at odds with the Authority’s purpose to give independent advice on climate, science and policy to the Government.

The Morrison Government continues to only listen to vested interests in fossil fuels. We need a truly independent expert Climate Change Commission, as the UK has had since 2008, to advise the Government if we want a chance at achieving net zero by 2050. The Climate Change Authority, as it is currently is now constituted, is not it.

Steggall. MEDIA RELEASE: New appointments by the Morrison Government to the Climate Change Authority miss the mark

It is too early to tell what the media and political reaction will be, and I’ll keep adding as information accumulates, but my bet is that the media will largely leave it alone, or make it a one day wonder. The current most popular headline suggests the pick “ruffles feathers” – which suggests those who are complaining fuss about nothing. I also suspect in the current political climate that the government will see protests by climate concerned people as showing the Government is completely right about the appointments, as opponents have to be completely wrong. They are unlikely to be criticised by the Murdoch Empire, which may be almost all the media Coalition parliamentarians take seriously, so they will be happy. King and Smith do not have the political enemies that Turnbull made, so they will brazen it out, and the government will ignore protests.

This kind of standard neoliberal approach could lead to corruption, which is not corruption for neoliberals, such as taxpayer support for polluting gas, gas pipelines, gas exports, or legal threats against NSW if it decides it does not want the gas it agreed to. They will also encourage wasting more taxpayer funds on CCS, which almost certainly will not achieve its promises. But this will happen anyway, because its not corruption, or vested interest, its just what is called plain business good sense – it supports established business.

However, the news may not all be bad. King is associated with several organisations that want firm targets for 2050, and targets on the way, which is better than what the government wants, which seems to be aspiration alone.

The new members may also encourage a carbon price, which at least is a direct encouragement for people to reduce emissions (yes it has problems but I’ll take what I can get).

We shall see.

This blog is about, again: Dealing with crises

April 6, 2021

This is something of a sequel to the post “What is this blog about?”

Multiple Crises

We are in the midst of several crises of ecological and social destruction, , mainly brought about by our processes of extraction and pollution. Focusing only on the climate crisis can be a distraction from, or a defense against, realising how deeply we are caught in these multiple crises.

The Eco-crises include:

  • Deforestation
  • Destruction of agricultural land, through mining, house building, over-use, erosion etc
  • Poisoning through pollution
  • Over-fishing
  • Ocean Acidification
  • Disruption of the Nitrogen and Phosphorus cycles
  • Pollution, and loss, of water supplies
  • Introduction of new chemicals and materials
  • Changes in weather patterns

There are also social crises:

  • of information,
  • of social and political fracture,
  • of wealth and power disparities, including poverty
  • of political corruption,
  • of insecurity of work and income for most people (what is often called ‘precarity’),
  • of psychological contentment (existential crises)
  • and so on.

All these various crises interact in complex ways. Loss of agricultural land, for example, will probably spur the fractures of wealth and power, increase poverty and increase insecurity.

Part of the aims of this blog is to identify the problems, the underlying causes of the problems, and the ways we might come to change our minds and actions so as to deal with those problems.

Complexity and wicked problems

Complexity [1], [2], [3] adds to the difficulties of solving the crises. However, complexity has to be part of our understanding of social problems.

The term ‘wicked problems’ is used for problems:

  • Which don’t have a standard precedent, or standard formula for action; or the precedents and formulas appear to dig us deeper into the problem.
  • With no universal formulation; every wicked problem appears to be unique.
  • The people involved are in conflict, with different opinions and different aims, and there does not seem to be a possible mutually pleasing or agreeable solution. So solutions are likely to be undermined by those participating in the process, or prove unstable in the long run.
  • There are many linked problems, factors, drivers and consequences. The problem branches out into the systems.
  • Knowledge of the situation is obviously, and perhaps dangerously, incomplete. Some important people may dispute we have any knowledge.
  • There is little certainty a solution can be found in the time available for solving.
  • The problems are likely to change over time.
  • Solutions can also change the nature of the problem, and create further problems.

Wicked problems are systemic problems within complex systems. They sound impossible to fix, and hence are psychologically disorienting.

However, I’d say it is very difficult to fix the system rather than impossible. But the longer we leave it to stop what we are doing to disrupt the system, then the harder it will get to ‘fix’ it – or to keep it livable for the kind of society we might like.

It is easy to forget that we have always lived in complex systems and, in general, humans survive quite well – it’s not as if ‘wickedness’ or complexity are new phenomena, just something we often don’t recognise in contemporary societies.

If we remember we live in complex systems with a degree of unpredictability and uncertainty, and need to modify actions as we go along (and observe what happens), rather than assume we know in advance, then this realisation can change the ways we act, and process the results of our acts.

Complexity implies learning as we go along, trial and error, and so on.

It can also be helpful to pay attention to other sources of information than just our standard orderings. Information is a real problem nowadays, partly because there is so much of it, and so much of it is evaluated by whether it fits in with the politics of our ‘information groups’ online or in the media, and sometimes information primarily relies on the techniques of magic.

Social breakdown?

We are currently not organised to solve complex problems of great magnitude, but this does not mean it is impossible.

People may note that many large scale societies seem disrupted by ‘tribalism’ I don’t like the term ‘tribalism’ because not all forms of organisation we call tribal, have the features people use the word ‘tribal’ to indicate, However, the UK was at one time incredibly split and diverse, with big breaks between people. Papua Niugini was likewise one of the most diverse and splintered countries ever, with more completely different languages than any other country in the world. Both those places are now reasonably together, PNG in a remarkably short time – even if there are still obviously problems. We can, and have reduced the problems of ‘tribalism’ in the past.

Consequently, I don’t think there is any inevitability in the idea that people cannot unify or recognise difference and be able to live with it.

We may need to look at more closely, is what kinds of patterns of social organisation promote ‘gentler competition,’ more cross-social empathy and a sense of unity and, on the other hand, what patterns promote faction. That has become a recurrent theme on this blog – observing the ways that contemporary political communication patterns depend on the creation of enemies and outgroups, to bond the ingroup together behind the rulers.

My suggestion is that the patterns of behaviour over the last 40 years have increased the factionalisation of the US, for example. Things can get better or worse. But if we think the world is hostile, and prominent people encourage this thinking, then we tend to retreat from being-together, into being against each other. If we think that different humans can get on pretty well in general, and there are fewer forces promoting separation, then we are more disposed to try and get on.

We have also had times in human history in which the difference between the top and the bottom of the wealth hierarchy was not that great in terms of poverty, we have had times in which living conditions improved for a lot of people, and we have had times of better social mobility than others. These kinds of conditions need to be investigated without dogma, and without trying to prove that our dominant groups are really the best ever, or that hierarchy is essential – hierarchy is common, but hierarchies can vary in depth and separation between levels.

I have this vague suspicion that if we had encountered eco-problems we face now, in the 50s or 60s of last century, we would have found it easy to do a better job of handling it. We had a better sense that we all were all in things together, that sometimes money was not the only thing – and we had a growing sense that the world was fragile, which was useful, if threatening to some people.

Conceptual steps

It is now not uncommon to recognise the issues around complex systems, once people become aware of them. It is not hard to gain an awareness of the dangers of ecological destruction. It is easy to gain some sense of the political confusion, and learn that this confusion is not necessary, if you are not afraid to take on established destructive powers and habits. There are lots of people working on these issues; they even get some coverage in some media. There is a lot of effort put into discrediting science, on behalf of profit, but we can still learn if we want to.

As implied above the first step is to recognise that we do live in a set of complex systems, and that we need an experimental politics that looks for unintended consequences, and is prepared to modify policies depending on results.

We then need to be able to live with some levels of uncertainty and skepticism towards our own understandings – which plenty of people do already. In this skepticism, it is useful to be aware of the difference between real skepticism and directed skepticism, in which you are only skeptical of the out-group’s ideas, and use this apparent skepticism to reinforce your own dogmas.

We need to be able to recognise the ecological crises are problems, and that we probably cannot survive without working ecologies, and that societies previously have seemed to collapse because of ecological crisis. Dealing with the problems cannot be postponed indefinitely.

We need to understand that everything operates in contexts, and that changing the context can change the whole system, or even the meaning that some events have for us.

We probably need to be able to perceive some things in terms of continua, or statistical difference, rather than as binary opposites – because it is more realistic, and allows greater communication.

We need to be able to recognise that people are hurting because of the social and eco-crises, and that we cannot afford to have that pain be commandeered by fascist-like movements who try and impose more dogmatic order on the world.

Talking to each other with as much respect and kindness as we can, is often a good start.

Practical steps

While we cannot solve the problems entirely by ourselves, and they can seem overwhelming, it is useful to make whatever start you can, by yourself if necessary.

I’ve seen books which have long lists of things people can do:

  • learn as much as you can,
  • cut your electricity usage and bills as much as you can,
  • turn the heating down, and wear warmer clothes if possible, when its cold.
  • buy food from local producers,
  • buy organic food when you can afford it,
  • eat a bit less meat,
  • sit with local plants, get to know your local environment,
  • be careful what weed killers, insecticides and fertilisers you might use,
  • don’t use bottled water unless you have to,
  • avoid buying plastic,
  • engage in recycling even if it does not work,
  • don’t use a car for short distance travel if you can walk,
  • contact your local representatives about ecological and climate problems,
  • sign online petitions (if you don’t sign them, they won’t count),
  • engage in, or help organise, street marches or blockades. Start with the easiest first,
  • talk to friends about the issues, but not aggressively,
  • write about heavily polluting local industries to the owners, managers and local politicians,
  • buy ecologically principled renewables if you can afford them, or get together to explore organising a community buy in, if you can’t,
  • if you have superannuation, try and make sure it is not invested in fossil fuels or other ecologically damaging industries,
  • if you do buy shares, buy them in beneficial businesses,
  • let politicians and business people know that climate change and preserving the environment are important to you.

I’m sure people can think of other things which could make a difference in their area – even showing your support for other people who are doing the work is good.

If you are retired or young, you get extra opportunities to practice these kinds of things, and to work out what to do.

All these actions may sound trivial, but they will help a little. The greater numbers of people who act, then the greater the effect, the more it becomes part of their habits and common sense, the more it becomes part of social common sense, and the more it carries political weight, and the further sensible action will go. Find the things you can do and do them. Even better if you can join do them with others, as that helps support your actions and widens them, but the main thing is to do them.

We are helped in this process of change because of two factors:

1) small events, especially small accumulating events, can have large effects in complex systems, and

2) people tend to emulate others; so if you set as good example as you can without forcing it on others, then people may pick up the ideas and actions themselves and these actions may spread – and that builds a movement, even if it is not organised.

If you identify as part of the ‘political right’ and you think climate change is a danger, then it could be even more important for you to set an example, as people are more likely to learn from those they identify with, or classify themselves with.

There will be opposition to your protests, but that is life….

Old regulation

One of the main things that obstructs renewables in Australia is regulation, and I’d guess that would be a factor in most places. Markets tend to be regulated to favour those who have historically won in those markets, and those regulations often make assumptions which are no longer accurate. When something new starts, it has to fight against the established regulations. There are few markets without regulation. If there are no regulations then there might be ingrained corruption.

Anyway, finding out the regulations, finding out where they stop change, and agitating to change them, or draw attention to how they work, can also be useful. Politicians, or people in the market, may not even be aware of the regulatory problems

Climate Generosity

I’m interested in the idea of climate generosity as opposed to climate justice [1], [2]. It seems to me that people living in the justice or fairness framework, often behave as if they should begin to act when it’s fair, and that other people should act first to show them it’s fair. People are always saying things like “why should we destroy our economy while they are still polluting?” and so on. Leaving aside whether action on climate change necessarily involves economic destruction, we can’t really afford to wait. So we may need to just be generous and act before others act. We might be being exploited by those others, but who cares if it encourages more people to act and we survive?

This is another reason to act, even if it seems pointless.

Generosity is quite normal human behaviour. We might give gifts to gain status, or gain advantage, but that is fine. It often feels good to be generous and helpful. How we act is up to us: we might try and gift solar panels to a community building, even better if we work with others. We might try to get our politicians to use our taxpayer funds to help gift solar panels to a village, rather than force a coal mine on them, we could try and raise money for this ourselves.

Again we might talk to people and find out what they want rather than we think they should want, and see if it’s possible to help them get it with minimal ecological damage. Gifting is fraught, but you can increase the beneficial nature of the gift, by finding out in advance whether people would like it, and whether they will accept it, and understand that no return is expected, except for them to use it and acknowledge it. There are all kinds of ways to proceed, and involve others. Most people can at least make a present of some of their time.

Generosity reputedly helps people to feel good, build relationships, creates meaning and allows action. It helps solve the existential crisis.

Environmental relating

Sitting with, and observing, your environment can be fundamental to relating to the world, and getting  a sense of how it works and changes, how important it is to you, and how much a part of it you are. Almost everywhere that people live there is some sense of environment, some form of nature.

One of the problems with renewables at the moment, seems to be that the people installing them think primarily in terms of business and money, rather than in how renewables can be installed with relative harmony, help people relate to their environment, and be socially fair and appropriate. This is partly because of the success of neoliberal ideologies in shaping people’s common sense and sense of how the world works.

The number one bad?

One of the most dangerous things that has happened in the last 40 to 50 years is the triumph of ‘neoliberalism’. Hence I write about it a lot on this blog [1], [2], [3], [4], [5] and so on.

Neoliberalism is the idea that only important social function is business. The only responsibility of business is to make profit. People are taught that business can do anything, and that what it wants to do, must be good, that wealthy people are inherently virtuous, and that the job of government is to support established business and protect them from any challenge at all. This is usually justified by a kind of naïve Marxist idea that the economy determines everything else, so a ‘free market’ must mean freedom. But the idea is nearly always used to structure the economy to support the established wealthy, who can buy policies, buy regulation, buy politicians and so on.

A standard neoliberal process is to strip away regulation of the corporate sector, particularly ecological regulation, and try and regulate ordinary people so they cannot stop corporate action. Common tools of neoliberal economic policy include taxpayer subsidies of corporations when they face trouble, selling off public goods and profit to the private sector, tax cuts for corporations and wealthy people, and cut backs in the helpfulness of social services and making social services punitive. The main idea is that the wealthy deserve even more privilege, and the poor deserve less.

As such, neoliberalism has helped lessen the sense of possibility, and collaboration, that I referred to above. I suspect that neoliberalism, and the power relations that go with it, have done more to slow our response to the problems we face than anything else. This is not to say that free markets are not useful tools, but they are not the only tools or always the best tools, and neoliberals tend to want to structure the world so that it helps markets, rather than structure the market to serve and preserve the world. Indeed many people will argue that the idea of structuring the market to serve the world and its ecologies is tyrannical. But the basis of all economies is ecology. If we don’t make sure the ecological system can regenerate all that we take from it in a reasonable time (even, or especially, in a bad year), then we are on a dangerous path. Neoliberalism seems inherently opposed to action to stop ecological destruction [1], [2].

One reason neoliberalism is harmful, is that its supporters cannot win elections if they tell people that their primary interest is transferring wealth upwards, increasing the power of corporations, rendering ordinary people powerless, and making ecologies expendable, so they have to lie, stir up culture wars, and build strong ingroups to have any chance of victory [1], [2]. Now, in the US, they appear to be trying to stop people from voting. Sadly, the end point will probably be something like fascism [3], [4], [5], [6].

Neoliberalism suggests that ordinary people have no ability to cooperate (and should not cooperate outside of their jobs), are largely competitive and selfish, poverty is a moral failing, and that money is the measure of all virtue.

Any conservative should be able to tell you:

  • a) that people are cooperative and competitive, and that for good social life we want a competition which builds cooperation amongst the population rather than destroys it,
  • b) people are selfish, but they are not only selfish, and
  • c) virtue has little to do with money.

So we have to move on from the idea that it should be forbidden to criticise markets in politics – or perhaps more precisely, the players in those markets and the way they play. Tax cuts for wealthy people are not the only economic policies which exist.

The problem of virtue – the prime dangers of renewables comes from companies not from renewables

We should never assume that because a project appears to be virtuous, and we support its virtue, it will not have harmful effects. Furthermore, our ideas about the project, and how it works, may be completely wrong.

This applies to everything. Recognising that a virtuous, useful project that we completely support can have harmful and unintended consequences is fundamental to an experimental politics, and to navigating complexity.

So far the main problem we have had with renewable energy, is that we are often (although not always) carrying out the transition through the normal ways that we have carried out business and development in the past. These ways of proceeding have traditionally harmed people, and harmed ecologies, partly I suspect because they have always put development, business and profit ahead of those people or ecologies. So we have to be careful.

For example, production of solar panels can involve ecological destruction through mining or pollution. The factories can have harmful working conditions – workers can be poisoned. Disposing of old, or broken, panels can create pollution. We face the usual consequences we might expect from attempts to increase profit, without any ecological or social concern.

Biofuels have in many places resulted in small farmers being pushed off their land, loss of casual farm work for people without land, breakdown of village relationships, deforestation (which goes against the point of the fuels), replacement of food crops with fuel crops pushing up the price of food and leaving people short of food. Biofuels have resulted in greater use of fertilisers which may harm the soils and rivers, they may consume vast quantities of water which can threaten local livelihoods, if rain is rare.

It’s pretty obvious that cultivating vast areas of monocrops takes fuel burning, and making and transporting the resulting fuels can take fuel burning. As well, it usually takes much longer to grow biofuels than to burn them, so it is not immediately obvious that, unless fossil fuel consumption is significantly curtailed by these processes, that it is actually helping at all.

Likewise, wind and solar farms can involve companies fraudulently stealing land from small farmers (people I research with have observed this in action), can involve secret agreements which split townships, unclear distribution of royalties, disruption of people’s sense of the land, agreements that do not involve local people or only involve some local people, fake community consultations, use of water which is in short supply to clean panels, destruction of jobs without replacement and so on. Sometimes it can even involve organised crime, or militia’s, intimidating opposition, forcing people to sell land, or provide ‘services’ for the non-local labour that has come in to install the renewables.

Even events like attempting to conserve forests can lead to traditional people who have lived pretty well with the forests for thousands of years, being thrown out of the forests and becoming homeless.

It should be clear to anyone, that an energy transition does not have to proceed like this, but this is how normal developments proceed at the moment. Mining is often surrounded by local protest and horrendous treatment of local residents, and even poisoning. Having a large chain supermarket arrive in your town, can destroy local business, and create unemployment amongst previous business owners. However, for some reason or other, many of the people who lead country wide protests against wind farms, do not see a problem with mining, even when destroying agricultural land completely, perhaps because they think mining is virtuous. However, it is not just renewables that cause problems, it is the system. So the system needs change, at whatever levels we can manage.

The point is we need to have more care about how we proceed, and more awareness of the problems in virtuous projects without feeling we have to abandon them. If people get dispossessed by renewable companies, behaving as companies often do, we need to stop this, as they may tend to react with hostility towards the transition in general, when the problem is company behaviour not transition.

This blog aims to explore some of these effects, and suggest possible remedies. We cannot afford for business to behave like this, so renewables companies must be regulated to engage with communities.

Perhaps this means that community based renewables are a better way to go? People working as a community are more likely to listen to each other, and to relate to the place they are working in – which does not automatically mean harmony of course. If this is true, then it again demonstrates the importance of working at a local level – even in cities.

The downside is that careful processes take longer and slow progress down, but we want a liveable world at the end of it.

Problems of Fantasy Tech

Finally, some imagined technologies like ‘clean coal,’ ‘carbon capture and storage,’ or geoengineering [1], [2], [3] often act as ways to reassure us we can continue on as we are doing, and suggest we can fix everything up with a future technological add on to the process. These technologies currently do not exist safely, or are not working at the rates we need. It is generally not sensible to imagine that a working technology must appear because we need it, or in the right amount of time to solve our problems. That is just fantasy. While we should research new technologies, we also have to act with the technologies we have now, as well as we can. Further delay, because of technological fantasy, just makes the situation worse.

What is this blog about?

March 28, 2021

The blog is about trying to navigate the problems of ‘solving’ climate change and ecological destruction. Trying to make the problems clear, and trying to point to the politics, psychology and technology of problem solving, energy transition and rethinking the crises. If we can’t solve the problems in time, it hopes to give people a way of living which might be useful in the ‘new world’ we face.

Multiple crises

Climate change is only one consequence of the ecological destruction and pollution that overwhelms our ecologies. We also live in many ecologies in crisis: social relations are disrupted and disrupting, we have precarious economies, our politics inclines towards fascism as we try and impose order, information is repeatedly and sometimes deliberately confused, which produces uncertainty, bewilderment and, sometimes in reaction, over-certainty. There are many problems, and we can ignore some of them if we focus on climate change alone.

Hence I try and situate climate change amongst these other problems. Once we see a mess of crises, then the social, economic, political and technical connections between them all seem clearer, as is the need for something like a thorough social and conceptual change.

Existential Crisis

I’m deeply concerned about the ‘existential crisis’ that arises from people’s recognition of climate change and ecological destruction. Basically, everything we have learnt to do to lead a satisfactory life, is now potentially destructive, or undermining of that life. The problems are so big, and complex, that it is hard to imagine being able to make much difference by anything we do personally. Ways of giving meaning to life are threatened. This sense  is overwhelming and confusing at best, and fairly depressing.

We are largely ‘unhomed’ by climate change, it creates unacknowledged anxiety and distress, and may even threaten our existence. We are in a situation in which the future is essentially unknown but disturbing. Even if you deny climate change as a problem, then you realise that your way of life is potentially under threat from other people. These factors can be hard to live with, and I suspect this is why why our responses are so dis-coordinated, confused and slow.

However, it is our thinking, feeling and acting that is as much a problem as what is happening in the world, and this primarily calls out for us to change our thinking, understanding and values – together with the ways we relate to, and connect with, other people. Which can be difficult.

Complexity

One change of thought that is probably required is the recognition that we live within largely unpredictable complex systems. Everything interacts with everything else, and modifies itself and each other. We cannot perceive the whole system, and the only real/accurate model of the system is the system itself. This renders our traditional modes of problem solving, in which we work out a solution and carry it steadfastly out until the bitter end, extremely dangerous.

We may need to use more of the pattern recognition parts of our mind, and less of the linear reasoning parts. If so, we need to recognise that we can detect patterns that are not there, and need to put our understandings to the test all the time.  This means we now need an experimental politics, in which we seek out not only what is going right as a result of our behaviour, understanding and policies, but what is going wrong, so that we can modify our behaviour constructively, or even discard our proposed solutions.

Because policies are partial understandings, complexity almost always implies that we will, in part at least, be mistaken. Persisting with mistakes, and ignoring the disorder arising from our attempts to impose order, is probably going to be destructive in most cases, even if there is a social demand to stick to what we recognise as ‘truth’. Accepting the importance of recognising error and disorder and not attempting to deal with it purely by suppression, is now fundamental to being able to live a good life. Everything we do has the potential for unintended consequences. Every situation, amidst these crises, is potentially new, no matter how similar it may look to previous situations.

Ordering practices can produce disorder and unconsciousness

To repeat, what we call disorder is often created by our ordering processes, and by our suppression of recognising vital events because we try to make ourselves socially acceptable to people we like, people who are significant to us, or because our culture and theories direct our attention away from those vital and disorderly events. 

To use a dramatic but well known, example: loyal Catholics did not see, or notice, abusive priests. Perhaps they thought the authorities would deal with the issue appropriately, perhaps they did not want to bring the Church (which they thought essentially valuable) into disrepute, or they thought that children were lying and punished them, and so children learnt to shut up, and became more damaged. As a result well-intentioned Catholics could not improve the situation, until people persisted in being attacked and unpopular and brought the events to everyone’s attention. 

Similarly this suppression of what we perceive as disorder is the way we create our own personal or cultural unconsciousness – by suppressing drives and behaviour we consider unethical, or even insights, wisdoms and compassion which go against our cultural or political norms. These suppressions often come back to bite us, or consume our energy in keeping awareness and distress suppressed. 

Obviously once you have recognised some of the problems it should change the ways that you live and think. 

I suspect that paying attention to neglected events like dreams, body sensations or senses of failure, can be useful in expanding your awareness, and hence our ability to live well. This is possibly one of the few great insights of psychoanalysis, or in particular of Jungian forms of analysis.

Technology

Technology is often a mode of ordering, which has unintended consequences as its use interacts with other complex systems, and disrupts them. Sometimes the disruption may be deliberate as when technology is designed to watch over and control workers, and prevent them ‘wasting’ the employer’s time by enjoying themselves, or resting. This is why it is useful to pay attention to the unintended consequences of technology: social, environmental, economic, polluting, destructive and so on. Often because some people like what the technology allows them to do, they ignore the harmful consequences it might have for both themselves or others.

Information mess

What I have called the information mess, arises through a number of factors, and adds to confusion.

The mess arises through information and communication technology and the way it is organised. In the contemporary world Information can be found to justify any position, and it will not be removed if it is false. A significant number of people try to impose political order on the world, not by discussion or finding the truth, but by repeating their claims and attacking those who disagree. To make sense of this information mess, and to save time, we tend to accept information which is accepted by others in our ‘identity’ or ‘information’ groups. Rejecting the information they share can risk our losing our place in the group, or losing our sense of identity. This is reinforced, by ‘winner take all politics,’ and by the politics between States, in which promoting false information of the right type can be seen as destructive towards our opponents. We also tend to be skeptical of information which comes from other groups, particularly outsider groups, or groups which our group defines itself as being against.

Information mess is reinforced by work hierarchies in which bosses are judged on informational competence, appear reluctant to admit they were wrong, and are fed what they want to believe by underlings who know better than to cross them.

Neoliberalism is one of the most important forms of attention direction and deceit in the contemporary world. It leads to harmful forms of common sense, and justifies the eco-destruction that is being pursued as necessary for prosperity and liberty. It helps people ignore the reality that without working ecologies we have no working basis for prosperity or liberty. What I’ve called the ‘neoliberal conspiracy’ is a basic part of the information mess and contemporary politics. It supports contemporary disorder and crisis.

Information mess is fundamental to understanding contemporary society, and our ability to steer our way through the mess is often disrupted by the conviction that we can steer our way through it.

Thoughts and theories

I take the theory dependence of observation quite seriously, and think it is useful to remember that we respond, not only to reality, but to our thoughts about reality which may not be accurate or useful. This is why the information mess is important, what we think directs our attention towards some factors of life, and away from others. What we think is heavily influenced by the groups we belong to, deliberately or accidentally. Being aware of this feature of our social-psychology is often helpful – we can challenge what we think is the case. 

This is why it is useful to recognise that popular forms of so-called ‘positive thinking; in which we deliberately, and repeatedly, lie to ourselves in the hope that we will come to shape the world by our lying are probably harmful. 

For example, President Trump seemed to want to solve the problems of Covid largely by playing down the danger and keeping people optimistic and alarmed at possible restrictions, and then by encouraging quick vaccine development. It is probable that this approach did not slow the virus very much, especially during that first year. Of course you cannot tell for sure, and what is done is done (so using Trump as an excuse for current failures is pointless), but I think being prepared to be aware of the problems and their complexities helps us to solve them, or bypass them. Denying the problems often does not.

To be clear, the kind of positive thinking I’m protesting about is the kind that tries to impose order on the chaos of life without any attention to what is happening. It’s not necessarily harmful to think that with practice and persistence you can come to do stuff that you currently are not that great at. This latter kind of positive thinking is useful for dealing with crises. It enables us to be open to the perception of the crises, and yet not completely overwhelmed by them, and to think that if we keep persisting and learning then we can help.

Dadirri

This is one reason why I have been talking about Dadirri and other forms of cognitive relaxed attention.

Going into these kind of states of listening, can relax a person’s attachment to programmed thoughts. It can also allow our inner wisdoms, pattern detections and perceptions arise.

This can help reduce the sense of existential crisis.

We can diffuse the urgency with which we can run away from unpleasant feelings or sensations, we can accept them gently, and sometimes that allows events to progress, we can get insight and understanding from not suppressing these unpleasant sensations, the sensations can perhaps move on.

Likewise attention given to spontaneously arising symbols and images can expand our awareness.

All of this can free our creativity, generate new meanings, and allow problems to be solved, by-passed or diminished.

It may not solve everything, but it can help.

We then take our solutions to the world, and see if they can help other people live through the situations we face. If they reject those solutions or find they do not work, that still does not mean we have not contributed something.

To go back to an earlier point, all solutions are experimental, and need to be tested and refined or abandoned. That is how we learn constructively.

Is climate change overblown by the left?

March 23, 2021

Given that the world is, on the whole, not anywhere near necessary targets, according to the latest UN NDC Synthesis Reports issued February 2021; then if “the left” are being overblown, they are not having much influence.

This is as you would expect. Most people in the developed world, don’t want to change their lifestyles – and given that most people in that world seem to be going downhill due to neoliberal privileging of business, transfer of wealth upwards, and nannying of the wealthy, why would they want to risk going even further backwards because of attempts to fix global warming? This is the usual reason given for working class anger in the US, and for ‘populism’ (assuming that word means anything). Furthermore lots of powerful people do not want to lose the wealth they have tied up in fossil fuels, and they don’t want to risk the possibility that new forms of energy could increase democracy or impoverish fossil fuel companies.

These wealthy and powerful people can buy politicians, can buy media, and can buy the idea that climate change, global warming, massive forest fires, massive flooding, ecological destruction, over-fishing, destruction of agricultural lands, deforestation, loss of animal life etc are not really a problem, or they occur all the time, and that imagined technological invention can save us, without any political or economic change. This seems well documented to me.

They have captured mainstream parties all over the world, with the possible exception of UK conservatives, who actually seem to be trying to reduce emissions – not that this gets reported much outside the UK (remember wealthy people own the media, or advertise in it). UK conservatives, do tend to have a real conservative streak because they believe in conserving things (which is pretty unusual in the Right nowadays), and they don’t always believe in encouraging business to destroy their country….

In the developing world many countries, believe that fossil fuels and ecological destruction are necessary for development, and that it is their turn to engage in destruction for the benefit of their people, and that developed world objections to this are a form of neo-colonial racism. They say something like “get your own world in order before complaining about us.” So, on the whole, many relatively powerful people in the developing world downplay the problems as well.

Again the point is, that if the left is overblowing global warming they are not having much of an impact, and one of the leading forces for emissions reduction is not remotely left wing.

The next implied question is “are the left exaggerating the dangers?” Personally I think it is unlikely that the majority are. Some will be of course, this is what happens. Most scientists and people who study the subject, seem to think that bad things, to very bad things, could happen. Strings of high ’unprecedented’ temperatures in the Antarctic are clearly not good. World wide highly intense and ’unprecedented’ forest fires are not good. Declines in fish population are not good. The apparent death of large expanses of coral reefs is not good. Places having streams of days over 40 degrees centigrade are not good. Strings of destructive storms are not good. And this is with only 1 degree increase. What we will have with another couple of degrees will probably be really bad.

One issue here is that because ecologies and climate are complex systems we cannot predict how bad things will get. We do know, that once you knock the systems out of their balance and equilibrium, they tend to oscillate wildly, which probably means increasing wild weather, but precisely what this will mean, we can’t tell until it happens. However, the chances of good things happening for most people seem remote. I guess, if you are wealthy enough, you can move to and buy somewhere safe and remote and perhaps you can buy the people to provide you with food etc….

I don’t think it is altogether sensible to wait to see what happens before acting, because there almost certainly will be a delay. If we act now, then things will continue to get worse for a number of years. The later we act then the greater the probability that the situation will get worse for longer after we stop. So we have to stop before it gets unendurable.

I personally think the idea that action on global warming or ecological destruction is not particularly left wing at all. Real conservatives should be concerned. Even if you think that global warming has nothing to do with humans, then you might want to think about how we should prepare to adapt to changing circumstances, and how we should lessen the effects. Climate and ecological action is about dealing with, and lessening, anticipated problems, which is pretty normal across the political spectrum.

After all, ordinary people do want forests, do not want to breath coal and oil pollution, don’t want a coal mine next to their house, don’t want flooding, don’t want the price of food to go up and face food shortages, don’t want climate refugees, don’t want (if they live in hot countries) to work outside in 38 degree centigrade (100 degrees F) or more temperatures and so on. However, the wealthy elites have successfully managed to label action on these issues as ‘left wing’, probably in an attempt to make those people who identify as conservative, right wing, or libertarian shy away from action, and not think about what would be a good solution. This helps those sponsoring people maintain their power.

Climate change and eco-destruction is real and does seem to be humanly generated, (which is absolutely obvious in terms of eco-destruction). If we do discuss what to do then the arguments about what we should do, are likely to be political – and this is good.

Personally I would rather have people on the right thinking about solutions, than attempting to sabotage solutions, or attempting to prop up a failed regime, and UK Conservatives show that this is possible…

Conceiving Politics

February 21, 2021

This is a redoing of some earlier posts on this blog about the question of how do we define and specify ‘politics’. The aim is to replace the idea that politics is something done by others in Parliament, or in the State, and reclaim the idea that politics involves everyone who lives in society.

Defining politics in general

Politics involves the attempts by individuals or groups of people to decide upon, or achieve, an aim which involves (or affects) themselves and/or other people. Politics includes the ways people go about organising themselves and persuading others to go along with them. Politics can manifest between groups, and between individuals within groups.

Politics necessarily happens all the time because we live with other people, and people acting together can often be much more effective in achieving aims than can individuals acting alone. People also tend to get satisfaction from being in groups acting and being together. Politics (persuasion of others, building co-operation, fostering attacks, etc.) is usually involved whenever we try to solve problems, and social life frequently involves attempts towards solving problems.

Everyone engages in politics, in the family, in the village, in the city, in the company, in the University, in the State, and in World wide organisations. From children deciding what games to play, or who should be on what team, to ministers trying to persuade other countries to surrender, humans are constantly trying to work with others, organise work and celebration with others, organise conflict with others, trying to get the better of others, trying to persuade others, trying to threaten others, trying to flatter others, trying to help others, trying to discover the truth of a situation, trying to hide the truth, trying to frame the truth in a way which suits us, or trying to make the good life with others.

To live harmoniously with others, we have to learn how to negotiate, compromise and get those others onside as best we can. However, as well as being relatively peaceable, politics can be ruthless, involving the capacity for threat and violence, or of defering threat and violence. It involves exerting power and resisting power, negotiating consensus and allocating dissensus, asserting hierarchy and equalities. Certain people can be excluded from the political field, and can assert, and possibly force their inclusion in that field. Politics can be about meaning and understanding: about the struggle over the ‘correct’ meanings and consequences of words and concepts, because undersanding words in particular ways can guide behaviour.

The social field is political

The social field is inherently political and involves struggle. Ethical and moral struggles also tend to be political, and we tend to evaluate people on ‘our side,’ or in our social categories, differently from other people – usually (but not always) being more likely to excuse their failings.

While the politics of the State may look different, have different modes of enforcement, have different effects from the politics of the home or the workplace, all politics involve similar kinds of processes.

The same kind of skills are deployed in the family as are needed to be employed in the village, in the township and so on, to make decisions, to organise people, to work and celebrate or whatever. Political processes in daily life and political processes in the State are similar, even if the range of their effect is quite different.

Politics can be seen to involve idea generation, persuasion, co-operation, competition, decision making, allocating responsibility, allocating authority, overcoming entrenched and no longer useful authority, gaining ability, gaining virtue, rewarding virtue, rewarding beneficial aspiration, and so on. It does not necessarily involve harmony, and can spiral out into civil (or other) war.

Politics sets up a complex system as it inevitably involves people reacting to other people and to circumstances as they arise.

Aristotle and politics

That social life is inherently political and that people are rarely completely outside some form of politics, is a view with considerable antiquity. As is well known Aristotle wrote that

animals that live politically are those that have any kind of activity in common, which is not true of all gregarious animals,

Politics involves the building of activity in common, not just living together.

humans are by nature political animals [or ‘political life forms’, Zoon politikon]. And he who by nature and not by mere accident is without a Polity, is either above humanity, or below it.

The suggestion is that normal humans are political creatures, and Aristotle appears to argue, this arises because people cannot perform their natural functions apart from the polity, since they cannot be completely self-sufficient throughout their entire lives. Thus, the Polity (my way of translating polis, usually translated as ‘state’ or ‘city state’ or even ‘social organisation’) comes into existence to enable human life. He takes a more or less anthropological position that:

The polity is prior in nature to the household and to each of us individually.

We are born into a polity, or society. This is because we build our function, abilities and capacities through our relationships to others. Households and individuals do not exist by themselves.

For the whole must necessarily be prior to the part… [as] all things are defined by their function and capacity, so that when they are no longer able to perform their function [within the whole] they must not be said to be the same things.

In other words, humans develop their capacities and virtues in relationship to other humans within already existing modes of organisation. We come into being amidst creative others (this is I think important to Aristotle’s idea of humanity as implied in the Rhetoric, the Poetics and On the Soul, and is in any case always important to recognise). To use terms which will be important later we live in systems (some of which are non-human) with histories or trajectories. The polity is, according to Aristotle, the way humans can come to craft a good and human life the best way they can. The Polity is necessary to make a better polity. The polity does not have to be a State, but usually a large scale polity has state-like structures.

We can fault Aristotle because he does not take his definition of politics seriously enough. He does not seem to object to the idea that political systems can work to exclude people (such as women, slaves and inevitably people below some arbitrary age). This can come to seem natural, but it is political.

Politics, complexity and uncertainty

Complexity means we cannot define politics so that it has to be successful, or result in any firm control over the world. The best we can hope for is to influence, or effect on the world – working with the world, perhaps – and then check events as they occur to see if we are getting the results we anticipated. This is the nature of the world. Life is further made complicated because people can agree over what they don’t want, but split over what they do want.

Many human activities do not achieve what people hope to gain. Most art will be forgotten or thrown out. Doctors do not heal everyone, and in some cases damage people even more. Many families will be unhappy despite the best efforts of those involved. Failure and unintended consequences are a normal part of engaging in life.

Success is never a measure of something occuring, and of course we live with moral uncertainty, and all other kinds of uncertainty, that still does not mean we don’t engage in politics with each other whether we object to those politics or not. Indeed, I would suggest that certainty of action and solution, is probably the hallmark of a politics which will fail to produce beneficial results for most people. The more certain or self-destructive the culture, the more deletarious unintended consequences are likely to arise. Climate change is a great example of what seems to be an unintended consequences of particular modes of social organisation and their politics.

However, politics nearly always attempts to create an order which it attempts to establish or defend.

Policing

There is also a form of politics which, following Jacques Ranciere, we can call policing. This is about continuing and defending established behaviours and categories. Ranciere sees this form of politics purely as a policing of established order. It does not involve much in the way of negotiation, or recognition of others as more than obedient, needing to move on from failure, or needing punishment.

Ranciere reduces politics to the politics between potential recognised equals or politics which is about gaining such equality, and the politics which is policing. However, as Davis points out, even succesful egalitarian politics may still involve policing, as people try to stop the system being commandeered by those who would destroy it, or prevent some recognition of some part of the polity. As is well known, this attempt is at best paradoxical, as stopping people from preventing others participating, may involve ceasing to recognise the ‘stoppers’ as being legitimate participants. That this is paradoxical does not mean it is not real part of politics, or that it can be eliminated.

Neoliberal policing

Neoliberalism aims to make ‘the market’ (or really corporate power) the dominant and non challengable power in human life and politics. The market is supposedly better than other parts of human life, because it is described as ‘non-political’. As a result, every human action and production becomes reduced to trade, and mutual decision making becomes an impingement on individual liberty, especially when it interferes with trade. For neoliberals, the ideal forms of evil organisation are the State or the Trade Union (and people must be encouraged to have no hope in the State or unions), and the truly good form is the company – where you get told what to do, unless you own and control the organisation. Apparently ordinary people are all individuals, and should never act together, and organisation should be reserved for the powerful and their economic/political activity. The State only exists to defend the exclusive rights of business people. Libertarians rarely seem to have the same strength of objection to the wealthy or business people acting together – perhaps because they realise this would affect the political effectiveness of these people, and the force of capitalism.

Because neoliberals only give importance to established business interests, they have no regard for ecology. Things which cannot be restricted in ownership and priced have no value. There is no common good, only private good and private profit.

Politics as protest

Neoliberals want to keep us ignorant, of the scale and success of peaceful popular movements against corporate power. For example, 20 million Americans joined protests for the first Earth Day. Who knows that nowadays? Who nowadays is allowed to think anything other than that environmentalism is a minor, non-mainstream, interest? So we cannot ask how it was that people in the US fought against flaming, poisonous rivers, and deadly work conditions, and temporarily succeeded?

This may have happened because in that pre-neoliberal period people knew that politics was part of daily life. “The personal is political.” Any ethical decision making that involves others, involves politics. It is now pretty much orthodoxy to leave the State to the wealthy, and assume nothing can be done to make things better.

While politics is essential for joint-human activity, it need not mean “power over others,” or constant dishonesty. Politics does not have to be ruthless. It is possible that the more ruthless the politics (especially official politics), the less ‘ordinary people’ may feel inclined to participate, if they morally disapprove of ruthlessness or are frightened of the consequences of participation. Indeed presenting politics as ruthless or corrupt, may be one way to foster lesser participation by people in general (other than as providing a backdrop of support). Ruthless politics may well be less about ideas and ethics, than about victory.

An anarchist, communitarian, politics is possible, even if it is precarious. Indeed we might well define a politics which only requires power over and dishonesty as defining a bad polity, which is headed for disaster and requires reformation.

Activists (such as Greta Thunberg) may not be playing power and dominance games but trying to reform the current polity, craft the best possible polity, and to continue survival for everyone. However, because of this, she is involved in politics, and being made part of power and dominance struggles, by those who are attempting to preserve a disastrous polity, or their place within it. This currently involves lots of abuse. Some of those engaged in this kind of abuse politics, are pretending that they are not political, because, in their politics, doing nothing to challenge the processes of destruction is supposed to seem normal. Challenging the establishment may always seem more political than leaving it alone. The established have more capacity for distributing abuse than their challengers. This is one way of promoting exclusion and limiting the political field. The end result is probably totalitarianism.

Polity with Nature

Just as we can hope for a politics which allows maximal human participation, we can hope that those capacities and virtues crafted within the crafting of the Polity (especially a healthy polity), can extend outwards to the land, and to other life forms. We have to live with our land, other life forms and within the boundaries of the planet. Destroying land, other life forms and planetary boundaries, forms a highway to disaster. Having a politics with beings that cannot use language is difficult, but I would suggest not impossible. Partly it involves recognition and formal incorporation, just as we can recognise children, and domesticated animals, and place their treatment within the concerns of the polity. It is a request that we extend our empathy found within our own identity categories, to the world as a whole. Even if the process is ultimately impossible, and people have to speak for other beings, then we still have to do it, if we wish to survive.

I suggest that one way of getting there is through practices of listening – or Dadirri. Many indigenous peoples have traditions of incorporating land and other creatures into their decision making processes. People who live in States could possibly attempt to learn from them.

Because ecologies change and relationships between different groups or different polities change, the work of making the good polity is never ending. It never reaches permanent stability or perfection. The polity is likely to face new challenges and new problems, which it has to face creatively.

Summary

People organise themselves together with others as part of normal social life, because they can achieve more as organised groups, and get enjoyment from that, if it is self-motivated. People also have to live together, and interact with each other, and solve the problems that all or some of them face. This all involves politics. We can call call this activity a polity. Polities can exist within polities, and include polities. Politics can be creative, maintaining, or repressive.

Politics can also involve force and exclusion, both at the local level and the level of the State. Social life and political life are rarely separable. We are born into a polity, and political relationships and interactions, exist before we can participate, even if our participation changes them.

Politics generates a complex system, and takes place within complex systems. It is inherently uncertain. Ideas we campaign for, may not be accurate. A healthy politics should probably remember this, so that it can change, and create new ideas which are more accurate and helpful for the polity.

In the English speaking world, the dominant form of politics for the last 40 years has been neoliberal politics. This centralises the importance of business, minimalises the importance of any other form of human activity, supports other activities to the extent they support business, and suppresses recognition of corporate power and decisions, through the idea of the impersonal market which, magically, always generates the best result. In this framework, attacks on business dominance, are attacks on the market and therefore bad.

Because neoliberalism centralises established business dominance, it also defends the right of business to destroy ecology, pollute, disperse materials and poison people, as if ‘the market’ demands this destruction for profit, then this is the best that can occur.

It is however possible to conceive the idea of expanding politics, so that it involves the land, other beings and planetary boundaries, and we need to start on the road towards that kind of politics, and put aside the politics that says only business, the market and the State really count.

The 12 steps of neoliberal problem solving

January 26, 2021

If there is a problem which disturbs the established corporate sector and their hangers on, then try and deal with that problem as follows:

1) First: deny there is a problem.

2) Scream, shout at and slur those who say there is a problem.

3) If 97% of those who work in the field (economists, scientists, medical practitioners, ecologists etc) say there is a problem, then insist that the 3% who don’t, be given equal time. Hell, give that 3%, 80% of the time.

4) Call for problem recognisers to be dismissed from positions of employment. Call for the removal of problem data from government websites.

5) Hinder any attempts to do anything useful about the problem.

6) Complain solving the problem involves socialism and tyranny.

7) If the problem is so obvious it needs to be solved, then get the solutions to the problem to involve tax-payer subsidy of established industries and tax cuts for the wealthy.

8) Insist any other solution to the problem involves insufferable limits on peoples’ personal liberty to make the problem worse. Resisting recognition of the problem is vital and radical.

9) Fail dismally.

10) Argue that the failure to solve the problem, shows the Governments are useless and should not attempt to solve any problems at all.

11) Argue that everything should have been left to the private sector that did not want to recognise the problem in the first place.

12) Keep on as if nothing had happened.

Summary of Mirowski’s thirteen Commandments of neoliberalism

January 17, 2021

See The Thirteen Commandments of Neoliberalism and Mirowski Road from Mont Peleron, pp. 434-40 (slightly shorter list). The originals are much better of course. My comments are in ‘>>’ marked paragraphs.

I’ve changed the names of the commandments, Mirowski is even less pithy than myself….

1) Neoliberal markets have to be constructed.

Neoliberal markets will not arrive naturally. They have to be constructed.

As Michel Foucault presciently observed in 1978, “Neoliberalism should not be confused with the slogan ‘laissez-faire,’ but on the contrary, should be regarded as a call to vigilance, to activism, to perpetual interventions.”

Neoliberalism is not Conservatism, or liberty in action, but a mode of authority – whatever it pretends. Society and the State have to be transformed to build the right conditions for, and maintain, their kind of ‘free markets’, and the kind of power they prefer.

2) The Market is a paradoxical God

The ‘free market’, is more or less a holy non-describable object – which has to be protected and constructed, but which has existed since the dawn of humanity, and in Mises’ arguments can be deduced from a priori principles. For Hayek, the market is the ultimate information processor – it could be seen as an abstract (perhaps all knowing) brain – no humans can understand it, influence it, or plan for it – other than to set it up and enforce it. [This sets up a paradox, how do you enforce the rule of something you cannot understand?]

Despite these difficulties, the aim of neoliberalism is to make society subordinate to the market. This will supposedly bring liberty and, in popular presentations, prosperity for all.

  • It appears to me, that neoliberals use a really naïve Marxist argument to assert that society is totally conditioned by economic structures, ie. the market. So if the market can be defined as “free”, then people will be free. They conveniently ‘forget’ that groups of people in markets exert power through the market, especially with enough wealth. We need to remember that determinism can be confused, and multi-factorial, in complex systems.

3) Markets make a virtuous spontaneous order

Neoliberals assume ‘free markets’ are adaptive evolutionary forces, and always produce the best adaptations for humans. Markets are the natural, and dominant, condition of human existence.

  • They don’t allow the idea that (free) markets, like other evolutionary systems, can be maladaptive from the point of view of some of the creatures participating in the System. Many creatures die out through evolutionary processes. Humans could be one of those creatures that die out in markets, for example, when profit unintentionally undermines the conditions of planetary existence.

Neoclassical, and most other forms of, economics can admit that markets fail, are incomplete, or produce strange and harmful results. Neoliberals cannot, because if we believed maladaptation was possible, we might be tempted to try and prevent harmful behaviour by corporations, and impinge upon that corporation’s liberty to do whatever it liked, even its its actions destroyed the possibility of healthy relatively stable life.

Neoliberals conventionally reject all such recourse to defects or glitches, in favor of a narrative where evolution and/or “spontaneous order” brings the market to ever more complex states of self-realization, which may escape the ken of mere humans. 

  • In other words, market perfection becomes an article of faith. There is no argument, or evidence, which could, even in theory, be used to convert neoliberals to reality. All problems in the Market are, by fiat, laid at the feet of government, no matter what business people do, or how much business organisations have bought the government in the market.

4) Keep the State, but pretend otherwise

Whatever they might say, Neoliberals do not want to abolish the State. They want to make a strong State exist solely to protect the ‘free market’ and its players. The State establishes the conditions for neoliberal markets, and attempts to prevent disruption of those markets by ordinary citizens, or politicians, calling for equity or fairness.

Under neoliberalism, the State becomes subject to, and judged by, auditing and financial accountability processes. Financial accountability is more important than moral accountability, or responsibility for the effects of policies on citizens. Citizens become customers, with no impact on how they are governed. All possible Services become contracted out to the private sector, including services which monitor the market for possible corruption, and the bad decisions of large companies which are overly risky for the whole market. This renders these monitoring services open to corruption and misinformation. While deficits are bad, in practice deficits which arising from subsidies to big business can largely be ignored.

The neoliberal State does not shrink, whatever they claim:

if anything, bureaucracies become more unwieldy under neoliberal regimes…… In practice, “deregulation” always cashes out as “reregulation,” only under a different set of ukases [or arbitrary strict commands].

  • In particular the State exists to protect the big players; oligopolies and monopolies. Small players are of little interest.
  • The State keeps property in the hands of the deserving, and enforces contract.
  • In neoliberalism, ordinary citizens are to have no impact on how they are governed. This is neoliberal liberty.

5) Treat politics as if it were a market.

The abstract “rule of law” is frequently conflated with or subordinated to conformity to the neoliberal vision of an ideal market…. there is no separate sphere of the market, fenced off, as it were, from the sphere of civil society. Everything is fair game for marketization.

  • This time we get bleak Marxism. There is nothing safe from the market. Every single thing or process, and all values, should be monetarised.
  • However, you must never admit that markets are political, and involve political action by companies to get the best regulations for themselves, and to gain subsidies for themselves.
  • In this set up, any action that makes a profit is good. There is no responsibility outside of making a profit. Hence all political and legal acts and decisions are likely for sale. Corruption is the norm.

6) Labour is unimportant

Classical liberalism identified “labor” as the human act that both created and justified private property. Neoliberlism:

lays waste to older distinctions between production and consumption rooted in the labor theory of value, and reduces the human being to an arbitrary bundle of “investments,” skill sets, temporary alliances (family, sex, race), and fungible body parts…. Under this regime, the individual displays no necessary continuity from one “decision” to the next. 

Mirowski argues that individuals are not important to neoliberals. Individuals are just conglomerations, projects, ready to be broken up when needed. The corporation is a person, the person is a corporation. No one has any interests

  • I’m not sure I entirely agree with this. I think is is possible that this is what neoliberals aim for, for the plebs, or the workers. You are what you are paid for, no more, and you are subject to the flows of the market, and if you cannot cope with that, or object to that, then tough. I suspect individual interest exists at the managerial and stockholder level, where market power exists, provided that personal interest is submerged in the corporate interest, or the owners’ interest.
  • The problem for me, is that, it seems that for neoliberal rights come directly out of ownership. You have the rights of ownership of your body, for example, and no more rights than that. Which in practice means you can be bought, polluted, disposed of, paid off, and so on. If you cannot defend your property or cannot protect yourself against disposability in a court case, you have nothing.

7) Liberty has nothing to do with politics and democracy

Freedom is hard to define, but it has nothing to do with democracy, and absolutely nothing to do with cooperating in acts against the ruling class, or the ruling market.

Hayek feels he must distinguish “personal liberty” from subjective freedom, since personal liberty does not entail political liberty. Late in life, Milton Friedman posited three species of freedom — economic, social and political — but it appears that economic freedom was the only one that mattered. 

In neoliberal theory, coercion can only come from governments, never from markets, corporations, or lack of money. There is no form of human freedom which might require support, help, or a useful context. Freedom is simply the absence of any restrictions, other than market restrictions – which are considered to be natural.

They suggest that resistance to their project is futile, as going along with it is the only freedom that exists.

  • As suggested by Slobodian, the only real neoliberal freedom is submission to the market, as constructed by neoliberals, and to the results it generates. Again they pretend the results of human action are as inescapable as the ‘laws’ of nature – indeed the laws of nature are apparently far more flexible than the market, which is one reason why they do not worry about market effects on the planet.
  • Freedom usually becomes a choice between priced options, or products.

7a) Knowledge is limited

Knowledge is limited, except for knowledge about how good the market is. There is no real information outside the information processor of the market. We could never effectively do anything knowledgeably other than act in the market. “Knowledge can be used to its fullest only if it is comprehensively owned and priced.” Education is not aimed at being transformative, or cultivating a personal good independent of the market, but to be geared at fitting into jobs and subservience to the market.

I don’t understand the following sentence but here it is anyway:

Meditation upon our limitations leads to inquiry into how markets work, and meta-reflection on our place in larger orders, something that neoliberals warn is beyond our ken. Knowledge then assumes global institutional dimensions, and this undermines the key doctrine of the market as transcendental superior information processor.

  • The fact that, if there is such a thing as a universal information processor, it is not the market but the global ecology (which gives severe feedback to people who act contrary to its dynamics), is irrelevant. In neoliberalism, markets rule over everything and this is not only supposedly a fact, but supposedly a moral good.
  • Everything, and everyone, is only worth the price it can command on the market. Free stuff (like air) is only good if it can be made saleable.

8) Capital must flow globally.

No government has the right to stop the flow of its countries’ money or products. To support this lack of rights, neoliberals invented non-democratic institutions “for the economic and political discipline of nation-states.” That is, they made national attempts at financial sovereignty, or market governance, weaker still. The idea was to impose neoliberal political principles on all people engaged in trade.

  • Neoliberal institutions enforced lowering of social security and social safety nets, attempted to prohibit any attempt to favour local producers or entrepreneurs. They favoured paying back debt to overseas lenders above local prosperity. They favoured the resources of small, or ‘underdeveloped’, states being plundered by overseas companies, as that is what happens in an open market. They appeared to want to free the market up for the biggest players, which would remove the smaller players who did not have the economies of scale.

This series of action probably also furthered “the growth of shadow and offshore banking”, the growth of tax shelters and so on.

  • This development is helped considerably by the development of the internet and communication networks.
  • This development also furthered the neoliberal protection of corporate monopolies. The bigger the company, the more effective it can be at suppressing other commercial developments throughout the world. Of course, ‘the market’ may lead to incompetent monopolies collapsing, but that is not evidence that the monopoly was great, or satisfying its customers, in the first place.

9) Massive inequality in wealth is entirely natural and beneficial

If some people starve or stagnate while others accumulate sizable proportions of the world’s wealth, it is not a failing of the market. This result is all about ability and shows the vibrancy of capitalism. Massive inequality is supposedly a force for progress, not a force for oppression; “the rich are not parasites, but a boon to mankind.” They, and only they, generate wealth. Demands for greater equality, or constraints on inequality, are just the result of envy, and come from people who are sore losers. Neoliberals pretend that inequalities of wealth do not lead to inequalities of power, life satisfaction or survival. If they did admit this, it would not bother them.

“Social justice” is blind, because it remains forever cut off from the Wisdom of the Market. 

  • Indeed, any residual attempts to support ordinary people are going to be blamed for economic hardship and market collapses. In practice, the State exists to bail out the already hyper-wealthy from their mistakes and hardships. This shows the real politics of the “free market”.
  • Neoliberalism insists on inheritance of wealth, but does not factor it in to its analysis of the workings of the market and the concentration of wealth. Everyone supposedly has equal opportunity to participate.

10) “Corporations can do no wrong, or at least they are not to be blamed if they do.”

starting with the University of Chicago law and economics movement, and then progressively spreading to treatments of entrepreneurs and the “markets for innovation,” neoliberals began to argue consistently that not only was monopoly not harmful to the operation of the market, but an epiphenomenon attributable to the misguided activities of the state and powerful interest groups. 

As corporations can do no wrong, it was also argued that Corporate heads needed bigger salaries, share options, and bonuses, together with golden handshakes when they stuffed up and were asked to leave.

  • This excess wealth acted as a signal to the market that the firm was hiring the very best possible, while the wealth the high level executives earned showed how good they were and, by comparison, how useless ordinary workers were. It was a way of transferring wealth away from the workers, and legitimising that transfer.
  • Corporate success indicates corporate virtue. They worked with the market, which is the measure of value

11) Markets always supply the best solution

“Any problem, economic or otherwise, has a market solution, given sufficient ingenuity.” In effect this means transferring power and solutions to those who are successful in the market and wealthy, and as pointed out earlier, ignoring any suggestion that systems are not always beneficially adaptive for all participants.

pollution is abated by the trading of “emissions permits”; inadequate public education is rectified by “vouchers”; auctions can adequately structure exclusionary communication channels;  poverty-stricken sick people lacking access to health care can be incentivized to serve as guinea pigs for privatized clinical drug trials; poverty in underdeveloped nations can be ameliorated by “microloans”; terrorism by disgruntled disenfranchised foreigners can be offset by a “futures market in terrorist acts.”

This tends to make financial securitisation even more complicated – as was seen in the 2007 financial crash. And it does not matter if no one understood what they were doing as the market would sort it out for the best. If the market collapsed with massive pain for those who were supposed to be served by the market, that was acceptable, as long as those who profited from the market were helped out. Thus in the financial crisis, many American Citizens lost their homes, because banks called in the loans which were geared to be unpayable. The banks then put the houses on the market and the house market collapsed, which threatened the banks, and the bank executives were looked after, not the home owners.

Neoliberals argued that:

the best people to clean up the crisis were the same bankers and financiers who created it in the first place, since they clearly embodied the best understanding of the shape of the crisis. 

  • Taxpayer’s money could have been given to home owners to help pay off the loans, and the loans made less penalising. This would have prevented homelessness and kept the banks in business, but that was not even a visible option. Money had to go directly to the bankers, and many neoliberal politicians complained when Obama insisted that the money was merely a loan, not a gift which could go straight to executive bonuses and parties.

12) Expand the prison system

[N]eoliberal policies lead to unchecked expansion of the penal sector, as has happened in the United States…. [I]ntensified state power in the police sphere (and a huge expansion of prisoners incarcerated) is fully complementary with the neoliberal conception of freedom. In the opinion of the neoliberal Richard Posner, “The function of criminal sanction in a capitalist market economy, then, is to prevent individuals from bypassing the efficient market.” In other words “Participate in the market, or else!”

Criminal law applies to the people. Tort law, or escaping the law, applies to the wealthy (unless, perhaps, they have defrauded the wealthy). The poor or dispossessed need to be ordered and punished, to protect the market.

economic competition imposes natural order on the rich, because they have so much to lose. The poor need to be kept in line by a strong state, because they have so little to lose.

Again, amongst the commercial class, nobody was found guilty of any fraud or crime in the financial crisis, despite multiple appearances of deceptive behaviour, but thousands of ordinary Americans were found guilty of being behind on their mortgages and thrown out of their homes.

  • Private prisons have no profit incentive to rehabilitate prisoners. They have an incentive to get repeat custom, and thus make more money, or at least stay in business. They increase crime for profit
  • They also have an incentive to use prisoners as cheap slave labour, and thus compete with normal workers, to lower wages.

13) Tolerate Supportive Authoritarian movements.

Neoliberals will support whatever will support the authority of wealth and corporate power. Hence, neoliberals developed a deliberate policy of courting the religious Right, so as to justify the ‘morals’ of the market and keep votes.

  • The ideal religions were those who asserted that wealth was good, that God rewarded the virtuous and ‘the saved’ with wealth, and that those without wealth were without faith, otherwise immoral, or being tested by God.
  • This has now morphed into an acceptance and support of authoritarian fascism, as with Trump and the promotion of white power, to support corporate power. This will have the same consequences as it did in Nazi Germany. The initially controllable will prove not to be controllable, and wealth will be preserved by accommodation to the fascism and murder.

Conclusion

Neoliberalism provides ersatz liberty, bounded by mass imprisonment. It promotes faith in the “free market”, and denies the possibility that free markets can ever have, or do have, destructive results.

Destruction only arises through government acting on the market to make the market fairer.

Liberty is defined as having nothing to do with political participation for ordinary people. It ignores the participation of the wealthy in the State.

It pretends corporations cannot, and do not, have political power.

It disciplines workers, and rewards executive incompetence, through the State.

It is a political movement which exists to support corporate power, and plutocracy, acting within the market and the State.