Posts Tagged ‘social action’

Naturalising Politics II

October 13, 2019

Living with Catastrophe made a series of interesting objections and comments to the last post, so let me see if i can respond

First let me state as clearly as I can, what I understand to be Living with Catastrophe‘s main objections. This makes it clear if I’m reading wrong.

  1. Real Politics is ruthless, and people know this. That is why they do not participate in it.
  2. Politics is to be avoided because it cannnot achieve the things people hope to get from it.
  3. Marshall’s definition is too broad. If we accept it, the dead do politics, and people cannot be out of politics.
  4. Aristotle is an unreliable ally for promoting a liberatory or environmental politics.
  5. Politics is about achieving goals, particulary adminstrative goals.
  6. Politics usually flouders in its attempts to achieve other kinds of goals.
  7. Skepticism about the source of values for politics. People can often gain consensus over what they don’t want, but split over what they do want.
  8. Politics suppresses living with moral uncertainty, and we should conscientiously object to it.

Second let me restate my position.

In everyday life humans are constantly trying to work with others, organise work and celebration with others, organise conflict with others, trying to get the better of others, trying to persuade others, trying to threaten others, trying to flatter others, trying to help others, trying to discover the truth of a situation, trying to hide the truth, trying to frame the truth in a way which suits us, or trying to make the good life with others.

These processes go on in the family, in the village, in the city, in the company, in the University, in the State, and in World wide organisations. Not everyone is allowed or encouraged to participate at every level (that exclusion, or inclusion, is part of the politics involved).

While the politics of the State may look different, have different modes of enforcement, and have different effects from the politics of the home or the workplace, they all use similar kinds of processes. Just as the poetry of Shakespeare and my own prose are both language, and can be analysed as langauge, thought, communication, story-telling etc, however different they are.

The classic Western family was often seen as being ruled by a ‘prince’ with absolute legal authority over its members. In reality he may have been advised by his wife or eldest son, or his wife, or mother, may have really ruled, but it was often seen as a State in miniture, and this point was frequently made by monarchists.

1) Rather than ruthlessness being the mark of State politics alone, it may be that the most successful players in any kind of politics are the most ruthless. However, this is not always the case, and even if it was, does not mean that politics has to invoke ruthlessness.

I do, paranoically, suggest that the separation of politics from daily life is a political technique, perhaps ruthlessly, encouraged by neoliberalism, which aims to make ‘the market’ (or really corporate power) the dominant and non challengable part of human life and politics – and supposedly better than other parts of human life, because it is described as ‘non-political’. Hayek even proposes that the democratic state be prohibted from dealing with commerce in any way restrictively.

In the libertarian forms of neoliberalism, every human action and production becomes reduced to trade, and mutual decision making becomes an impingment on liberty, especially when it interferes with trade. For them the ideal forms of evil organisation are the State or the Trade Union (and people must be encouraged to have no hope in the State or unions), and the truly good form is the company – where you get told what to do unless you own and control it. The obvious idea here is that ordinary people are all individuals, and should never act together. Libertarians rarely seem to have the same strength of objection to the wealthy or business people acting together – perhaps because they realise this would affect the political effectiveness of these people, and the force of capitalism.

Neoliberals don’t want to remind us, or they want to keep us ignorant, of the scale and success of peaceful popular movements against corporate power. For example, the environmental movement in the 60s and 70s. I read yesterday, that 20 million Americans joined protests for the first Earth Day. Who knows that nowadays? Who nowadays is allowed to think anything other than that environmentalism is a minor, non-mainstream, interest? How did people in the US raise up against flaming poisonous rivers, and deadly work conditions, and temporarily succeed? Partly because they knew that politics was part of daily life. “The personal is political.” Any ethical decision making that involves others, involves politics.

The Right realised this was a problem in the early 1970s, what they called the “Crisis of Democracy.” Hell Workers! Women!, non-Anglos!, Prisoners! where would it end? The dominant elites might have to share power, if this went on. Power would be diffuse. Depoliticising daily life was one of the solutions to their problem. Ironically, Nixon helped this anti-political rhetoric, through Watergate, and through violating people’s political norms of behaviour. You can’t trust government. Even if it might be nice to have someone of Nixon’s principles in office nowadays….

Over and over again I’ve heard people say things like all politicians are corrupt, they only in it for themselves, you wouldn’t want to be in politics etc… I’ve heard people say politicians all lie or are all the same as an excuse for staying with those who seem to be lying more. It is now pretty much orthodoxy to leave the State to the wealthy, and assume nothing can be done to make things better. So yes I think the absence of politics from daily life is an important trope, and a trope which affects our ability to control our lives, or make the good life.

2) The fact that politics does not always work, in the family, in the village, in the state etc, seems to me, to be largely irrelevant to the argument about it originating in daily life or being more widespread than is usually thought. I’m not sure that many human activities achieve what people hope to get from them. I don’t really transform the world by thinking about it. Most art is crap and will be forgotten or thrown out. Doctors do not heal everyone, and in some cases likley damage people even more. Many families will be unhappy despite the best efforts of those involved. Failure and unintended consequences are normal, and we should recognise this, if we want to engage with life.

I would suggest, that the more self-destructive the culture, the more deletarious unintended consequences are likely to be the case. Climate change is a great example of what seems to be an unintended consequences of particular modes of social organisation and their politics.

3) I don’t think that I am making too broad a definition of politics at all, that’s partly why I went back to Aristotle, because it seems to me, that he didn’t think it too broad either. The same kind of skills are deployed in the family as are needed to be employed in the village, in the township and so on, to make decisions, to organise people, to work and celebrate or whatever. If the idea is to make self-government unnatural, then you have to make this kind of thing either seem minor, or disconnected from the State.

Dead people are important for politics. They may not participate, but they are used politically, and set traditions. The supposedly positive legacy of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher is constantly reaserted in order to justify what the right is doing now, and to make it part of general common sense. These legacies may be used in quite contradictory ways. For example, Boris Johnson may use Thatcher’s opposition to climate change to attempt to ‘prove’ that Extinction Rebellion is irrelevant to modern politics.Other people may point to Thatcher’s later recantations of climate change activism, on the grounds that solutions being proposed are non-capitalist, and thus that nothing political should be done. Likewise the activities of a dead parent, grandparent or whatever, may be used to set the tone for the life of members of a family, and encourage them to maintain or increase their status with respect to others.

So while everything is politics, we are being kept out of the central forms of politics, by the denial that everything is political. Nowadays, we don’t influence what counts as justice, or what is ethics… While we are alive, most of us are engaged in politics – to requote Aristotle, we are zoon politicon.

5) All human action and interaction can be reduced to the achieving of goals if we want to. Consequently, if that is our definition of politics then, indeed, everything is politics.

6) Again, that people do not succeed in politics all the time, is not an argument against humans engaging in politics most of the time. Success is never a measure of something occuring, and of course we live with moral uncertainty, and all other kinds of uncertainty, that still does not mean we don’t engage in politics with each other whether we object to those politics or not. Indeed, I would suggest that certainty of action and solution, is probably the hallmark of a politics which will fail to produce beneficial results for most people.

7) The origins of the values which shape political goals, can be many… but nevertheless parts of those values will be shaped by the political process, by interaction and our capacity to persuade people of the virtue of those values and the actions associated with them. We may also use the statement of values to separate us off from other groups, and to creat conflict, in which we are the virtuous, and they are evil. Separation may well be as important to humans as co-opertation, and may indeed work together with co-operation, in that we often seem to co-operate better when we co-operate against some other group.

8) i don’t think there is any particular reason why politics should suppress uncertainty, and moral uncertainty. I think it would be a better politics. But I also think that is true of daily life. People in families often seem sacrifice other members of the family on the altars of moral certainty – but that can probably happen more easily, with a certain type of righteous politics within the family.

4) I’ll talk about Aristotle later… but let me start by saying I don’t have to accept all of Aristotle to accept that some of what he wrote seems insightful.

China Problem

August 24, 2019

It is true that if China goes ahead building coal plants, and supporting the building of coal plants elsewhere in the world, then any fight against climate change is lost.

The point is often made, why then aren’t environmentalists fighting China? Is this hypocrisy?

Well I’d have to say that most of what I know about China comes from the UN, Greenpeace or other Environmental NGOs, so I don’t know that people can say truthfully, that environmentalists are unconcerned about China or not fighting them in any way at all.

Most of the environmentalists I know are totally aware of the coal problem in both China and India. However, they tend to think that the only way we can influence the State in both of those countries is through example, so they would rather reinforce environmental concerns in the countries in which they live.

Also the countries in which they live,especially Australia and the US, can often seem to be trying to join the Chinese coal rush rather than counter it, and if that happens the environment is probably lost. So the idea is to fight were we might have influence.

Protest then and now….

August 24, 2019

We were lucky when I was young. In the 1980s it is true that leaders in the English speaking world suddenly decided that supporting corporations and hitting the poor would solve all our problems, but they also were rational enough not to want atomic war and global destruction. They understood what nuclear war meant. Basically the protestors and the dominant groups were in harmony – all of us preferred not to have nuclear war and the end of the world. As a result, we all lived through this potential universal death.

Even when it came to environment, the dominant groups largely thought saving the earth was good and possible, and that if it cost a few bucks extra that could be done. Even Margaret Thatcher thought global warming should be tackled, while she was in office – even if she later thought saving capitalism was more important than saving the planet. Apparently after retiring she wrote “Kyoto was an anti-growth, anti-capitalist, anti-American project which no American leader alert to his country’s national interests could have supported.”

Apparently she was persuaded by the usual groups of people. Exxon, Koch, Cato, Institute of Economic Affairs etc. who sold her the 80s mantra, we can do everything if we just don’t get in the way of corporate profit. No work, no planning, is necessary (unless its planning to destroy the power of ordinary people).

This was the transition to the change in which leaders began to value elite profit more than survival. They cannot imagine a future without corporate capitalism and economic growth and I guess that tips them out of reason and their position becomes there is no alternative – we have to destroy everything else in order to survive. Something of a contradiction, we might think.

However, our recent leaders don’t seem even this rational. Trump for example is encouraging corporations to pollute and poison people even more than they might want. The current leader of Brazil apparently started by claiming that the land clearing he had promised for the Amazon was not happening and then trying to suppress the bearer of news:

“The state-run National Institute for Space Research (INPE) has reported a 88-per cent increase in deforestation in June year-over-year, and said that cleared area increased 278 per cent between July 2018 and July 2019.”
“Jair Bolsonaro claimed that the statistics were “lies” meant to tarnish the image of Brazil and its government. He went on to fire INPE head Ricardo Galvao after suggesting that he was working for a foreign non-profit group.”

When the massive fires arrived, he apparently first of all claimed they were not happening, despite the evidence of satellite photographs, later claiming the fires were lit by green NGOs. It seems obvious that people who wanted to clear the Amazon, and reduce oxygen, would be happy with the fires.

Our NSW government is a simple mess of contradictions, but if you want support from them, then do some land clearing, help destroy people’s lived environment in the cities for profit and you will be fine. Our two main parties in Australia, seem to want not just to maintain coal pollution, but to increase it. Again because it would profit some people.

What does money profit anyone if they loose the world to spend it in? The contradiction drives people crazy.

Faced with this lack of sense and coherence, contemporary righteous politicians seem to have decided that they will do as much destruction as possible.
If they are going down they will take the world with them, and maybe they will be wealthy enough to buy some kind of survival, or support from those who are wealthy enough to be building fortress bunkers. This is an unusual combination of psychological factors, but it is now ingrained. Maybe corporations really to select for psychopathology?

The common attitude seems to be that normal folk are disposable and easily deceived, and service directed at them is pointless – apparently these people do not share the same world or wealth. I guess this attitude could also function as a psychological defence against climate change – they might suffer or die, but we will not.

What do you do in such a situation, to fight a leadership wedded to destruction?

An approach to the politics and economics of coal

August 19, 2019

1) Coal usage and burning is the problem, not coal itself.
People often write as if coal has imperatives in itself. If this was so, then everywhere with coal would have the same trajectory as happened in the UK. This did not happen independently, but as a matter of emulation and conflict. Taking coal as having imperatives, may move us into technological determinism, and coal useage is political at many levels.

2) If a post-coal future is to arrive, it will arrive through political struggle
Politics, to a large extent, is about people in struggle using narratives and scripts, where scripts are semi-automatic formulations and associations of ideas and actions.

Politics involves persuasion – whether this is through words and ideas, through force, or the imposition of risk for dissent.
Various groups argue about the meaning and value of coal. In other words the value of coal is tied to the meaning of coal, which is tied to a family of scripts or narratives which are being used to change, or reinforce, that meaning.
Without reinforcement of established meaning and action, there would be no struggle.

3) In considering the politics of coal, we are exploring how the meaning and value of coal can be challenged and change.
This ongoing political struggle is why commodities are not “stable entities.” For example, ivory, slaves, uranium. Commodities are unstable in capitalism anyway; very few people buy typewriters nowadays – and if they do, they do so because the typewriters are ‘collectable’ not high-tech.

Coal is not inherently valuable, useful or whatever. For example, it can be classified as dirty, poisonous, dangerous, and old-fashioned.

An item only becomes a commodity in a particular type of pattern of social action.

4) Coal is burnt because of:

  • a) Its association with scripts and narratives of ‘development’ largely based on the history of ‘development’ of ‘the West’, ‘First World’, or ‘North’.
  • The established economic and other power or influence of various fossil fuel companies in the State (which has come about largely through previous acceptance of scripts of development).
  • c) Existing scripts about “needs” for (increasing) profit in capitalism.
  • 5) This recognition implies that: Economic relations are fundamentally political and about meaning.

  • a) Markets involve struggles (often about the shape of the markets, and who should succeed in them). Not all markets are capitalist.
  • b) The State supports particular scripts about markets, and attempts to give those scripts legitimacy, and force in law – this includes capitalist markets which depend on the State to guarantee private property, contracts and the subservience of workers
  • c) Legitimacy comes about by violence, AND through reinforcing these scripts and other scripts and narratives. De-legitimacy comes from people actively weakening established scripts and reinforcing new ones.
  • 6) The State is not monolithic.

    There is struggle in the State, as elsewhere, which is why scripts, policies, and markets, can change. The state is a site of legitimate conflict. It gains its power like everything else gains power, through a combination of violence, wealth, persuasion, organization, communication etc.

    7) Developmentalism can be a tricky term. Not all developmentalisms are the same. However, the type of developmentalism we are describing, means aiming for material prosperity, economic growth, emulation of Western nation-states in terms of power and prosperity, ‘modernity’ and military power/security.

    Those forms of life which are classed as traditional which impede this ‘progress’ are classified as obstacles to be sacrificed for the greater good.
    Cheap and plentiful energy is at the heart of development, as is steel production. Hence importing, production and burning of coal has been a key developmentalist operator.

    8) Relationships between developmentalist states spur developmentalism.

  • a) From a desire for military security and defense against the capacities of other developed states.
  • b) From importing, building or exporting developmentalist products like coal, steel etc. to, or from, other states. Or from accepting investment projects and monies from developed states which use developmental scripts (which usually do not have the interests of local people at heart, who are sacrificed).
  • c) Competitions for status and influence and role in the world.
  • 9) The expansion of thermal coal production and burning occurs in response to these scripts, and relationships, of development.
    Reducing thermal coal apparently could leave people in life-threatening poverty, unhinge the eternal increase of development, and weaken the State with respect to other States.

    10) The main conflict or struggle is between:

  • a) Groups that demand coal burning for development (which often involves industrialization, military security, and competition with other countries) and/or profit.
  • b) Groups trying to defend local modes of life, land use, and to resist dispossession. And
  • c) Groups against climate change, and for transition to a new economy of some sort.
  • There can be alliances between b and c, but not necessarily.
    Groups in c, can lift local struggles into the national and even international field.
    Alliance between b and c, is potentially useful, unless people in b feel it alienates them from the holders of State power, or attracts State hostility or State support of the mining companies.

    11) The force in ideas arises because people use them, or because they reinforce, or challenge, a way of life or way of dominance.
    People often write about things like the contradiction between ideas of coal use and climate policy, as if the ideas have force.
    But the force in ideas comes from struggle between people with different ideas. These ideas were developed or utilised in that struggle, or in the politics before the struggle.
    For example, arguments do not become ‘anachronistic’ (this is an evaluation which assumes that the change is happening), they become challenged by other people.

    When making an analysis, reported statements should be anchored in the groups making them. Statements do not exist without context or makers.

    12) That climate change is happening could be irrelevant to coal use, without the idea of climate change being used by politically active groups opposed to coal use.

    In other words coal supporters do not have to necessarily worry about pollution or climate change; they can just keep burning and denying, or not recognizing, the problems. Just as renewable energy people do not have to see the problems that come with particular organizations of renewable energy.

    People who are opposed to coal “in their backyards”, do not have to care about climate change. So people who do care about climate change, need to be careful not to make everything about climate change, and alienate these people. Both groups are opposed to more coal mining and/or burning.

    13) Climate change often seems used as a mode of ‘Framing’ arguments and attempting to change meanings.
    While climate change is real, it is also part of the mode of scripting used by some of those opposed to coal.

    ‘Pro-capitalist or neoliberal economics’ and ‘Development’ are also ways of framing the argument. These framings are used to favour coal use, the profit of particular groups of companies, and reinforce the established meanings of coal as commodity and useful resource.
    People who use these economic or developmental framings tend to suppress awareness of the destructive parts of actual developmental and economic processes as part of their politics and framing.

    Hence it is useful for opponents to emphasise those necessarily destructive parts: ‘sacrifice of the less powerful for the general good’, or more theoretically, ‘accumulation by dispossession’ ‘capitalisation of nature,’ Luxemburg’s vision of capitalist ‘primitive accumulation’ as ongoing, etc.

    14) There is no apparent consensus on climate change and policy.
    This is despite the science and political necessities of survival appearing clear.
    That is why there is struggle going on.
    If there was consensus, there may well be no need for struggle.

    I think it is clear the Australian government does not worry about climate science as a reality, only as an argument it needs to dismiss, and as pointing to people it would like to suppress.
    Likewise I’m not sure that the Australian government recognises transition as a necessity or is arguing that transition should happen later on, when we are ready. it may well prefer to stop transition. Likewise, in Australia Labor seems to be moving to a ‘do little’ and support coal mines position.

    While some coal mines have been stopped, not all mining has been stopped. The Adani mine is being speedily approved. New coal mines are opening in NSW and QLD for example, despite water problems, and the Australian Resources Minister Matthew Canavan is aiming to promote the sale of an additional 37 million tonnes of coal. He said:

    That is the equivalent of three or four new Adani Carmichael–sized coal mines. If this investment occurred in the Galilee Basin, it would open up a new, sustainably-sized coal basin in Queensland.

    Villages seem to be continuing to be destroyed in Germany to make way for coal.

    Trump is actively encouraging pollution, ostensibly for economic/developmental purposes. He does not accept any climate consensus, unless the consensus is “burn away and be damned”

    China is actively encouraging coal power in the rest of the developing world.

    Coal, itself, has probably not been ‘discredited’ in India by the corrupted privatisation process. Some people may have utilised this position in political struggles. Others used it to redistribute coal licenses to other companies – and the second process seems to have been more effective.
    Forests are still being cleared for coal, and villagers thrust into heavy pollution or complete loss of land.
    India would, at best, seem to be ambiguous. Sure they have a good renewables programme, they also have an increase coal programme.

    It is pretty clear by now, that IEA recommendations for a decline in coal consumption by 2020 will not happen in most of the world.

    We cannot ignore this if we want to understand what is going on, and the stakes involved. Yet many people opposed to climate change talk as if there was a real and universal consensus. This is not correct.

    15) The fight is not won.
    It is not inconceivable that the appeal of known scripts of development and profit will win out over the appeal of survival until it is way too late.

    16) The politics of waiting works both ways.
    While the strategy of delay has been used by coal protestors, in the hope that the mine will become uneconomical, as the problems of climate change become clearer, the politics of waiting work both ways. Companies can wait until protest becomes unfocused, or people assume that no one can be crazy enough to open a mine, and then move in and open up those mines or whatever. We have been waiting for climate action for decades. Waiting is not just an anti-coal strategy.

    17) Solar and wind power use is small throughout the world
    When people are discussing transition to renewables they need to be careful, as biofuels are often classed as renewables, although they are not as clearly beneficial, and this hides the low level of progression towards transition to solar and wind.

    For example in the Key World Energy Statistics for 2017 the IEA points out that only 1.5% of World total primary energy supply by fuel is “geothermal, solar, wind, tide/wave/ocean, heat,” 2.5% is hydro and 9.7% is biofuel.

    If you look at ‘Electricity generation by source’, in the same publication, then, 7.1% of Electricity is generated by “non-hydro renewables” – this includes biofuels – it is not just solar and wind.

    Elsewhere they say: “Modern bioenergy (excluding the traditional use of biomass) was responsible for half of all renewable energy consumed in 2017 – it provided four times the contribution of solar photovoltaic (PV) and wind combined.”

    So the percentage of low GHG renewables is tiny. It could appear that currently there is no significant move to solar or wind throughout the world, only in certain places.

    This makes the struggle even more important, but it does not make it easy.

    Social action and adapting to climate change

    July 14, 2019

    Excerpt from an old article by Craig Morris slightly paraphrased:

    To deal with climate change we are suggesting that we redesign our world and our social life. That’s exciting, but it’s also not the way we talk about it.

    We could, for example, ask people some questions: how would you like to improve your community? What are the important things in life that should not be lost and should made easier? What do you value? These might help to get people involved, rather than resistant.

    Instead, the discussion often reduced to lowering energy emissions, and roughly breaks down into three types of propositions, largely about technology (which most people don’t really understand):

    1) We need to convert from fossil fuels to renewables quickly, as they can help us live within planetary boundaries at a high enough living standard;

    2) Renewable energy alone will not suffice, and;

    3) If we fail to do anything, our civilization is on a path to destruction.

    None of this asks people what they want to work towards, apart from technology. And they cannot make the technology themselves, so this framing of the issues implies people are at the mercy of others.

    The transition may not only need to reduce carbon emissions, but also strengthen communities and overcome the isolation that people increasingly suffer from. It needs to make life better, not more of what we have now…. If people do need renewables, and that seems likely, how are they going to organize this? How will they gain power over energy?

    Getting people to agree on action and work together is not always easy, but it may need to begin, now to get action on other things progressing.

    The need to bring people together is one reason to be skeptical of nuclear power. Up to now, the technology has required too much secrecy, thereby undermining good governance and democracy…. Communities and citizens have never made their own nuclear power.

    However, this working together is not being encouraged and the wording of the Paris agreement itself shows how marginalized the focus on social benefits still is – perhaps because it suggests a “crisis of democracy” in which people want to rule their own lives with others, rather than obey the elites or retreat from demanding service from the State.

    Coal and oil are bound into social formations, they are stuck in ‘Carbon Oligarchies’, where peoples’ lives are being risked to support established sources of profit. It is possible that renewables are not yet stuck in the same way, but open to being shaped by community involvement and democratic process. If so, we should encourage it.